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The neglected options in Iraq *
Adnan Hussein
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The neglected options in Iraq *
Adnan Hussein
In politics there is no one option, not even two options. There are always three options at least. The tree of life is always green, says Goethe, and this explains why "all options are open, available or on the list" are used by politicians and diplomats in times of crisis.
Iraq is now in the most serious crisis since the invasion of an organization advocating a third of the country and reach the outskirts of the capital Baghdad. The invasion crisis has seriously threatened to overthrow the post-Saddam regime, and the current crisis threatens not to re-establish post-Saddam Iraq, a stable Iraq that has been on the road to development and well-being. In Baghdad and other cities there is now an atmosphere of hatred towards all Kurds, not against Kurdish forces or figures seeking to hold a referendum on the right of self-determination and independence for the Kurdistan region. Even during the era of Saddam and with the Kurds enjoy independence from Baghdad with international protection led by the United States, no one raised his voice to remove the Kurdish employees from their jobs and displacement from Baghdad, and the confiscation of their property as is the case now. Behind this racist campaign is a powerful force in the Iraqi authority, which is precisely one of the forces of political Islam that reveals a chauvinism that surpasses the Baathist chauvinism.
The continuation of this crisis will strike deep into the Iraqi social fabric and the entity of the unified Iraqi state. The Kurds remain as Iraqi citizens even if they hold today the referendum, which will not mean achieving independence the next day or the next year. Or more, and the current campaign of hatred will increase the feeling of the Kurds that the new system that they have helped create it also treats them as second-class citizens. What exacerbates this crisis is that many of its parties often deal in accordance with the principle of one option, without delving deeper into thinking and searching for options other than holding the referendum now, despite everything, or not accepting it at all and demonizing it completely and threatening violent measures to face its consequences.
For years, the Kurds did not raise the issue of independence. They theoretically enjoyed a federal and practical status in a quasi-confederal state. The issue of self-determination was raised under the second government of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, a reign of dictatorship. Al-Maliki gradually worked to concentrate the authorities in his hands, exceeding the provisions of the constitution. Helped by a significant increase in oil revenues (some years over $ 100 billion annually). At the time, the problems were exacerbated not only with the Kurds, but also with the Sunnis, who were stubborn with Maliki's demands to put an end to what they described as their policy of marginalization and discrimination against them and sought to stop their protests with armed force.
Kurds on their part saw that Maliki pursued the same policy with them, and they were the biggest bloc in the federal parliament not to apply Article 140 of the Constitution, which laid out a road map to resolve the problem of Kirkuk and other disputed areas, and the failure to enact basic laws related to state building and Arab partnership and Kurds, Council of the Union and the law of oil and gas and the law of the Commission for the protection of the rights of regions and governorates. The Maliki government cut the allocations of the Peshmerga financial forces in the state budget, although it is part of the National Military and Security National is charged with ensuring the internal security of the Kurdistan region and secure its borders, and later cut the allocations of employees of the entire government of the Territory.
Even after the end of the era of al-Maliki remained the same problems, and even exacerbated and contributed to the occupation of «calling» one third of the country, including areas of Kurdistan, which generated more feelings of fear among the Kurds that their future is not guaranteed within the Iraqi state. The idea of a referendum on independence was put forward in 2014, but the preoccupation with the war with "urging" the implementation of the idea, which was finally reintroduced with the completion of the liberation of the main cities occupied by the organization, especially Mosul, declared by the capital of his "home". The parties to the crisis (the government of Baghdad and the forces of political Islam influential, and the administration of the Kurdistan region) dealing with the crisis in accordance with the principle of limited options, Baghdad considered the referendum as the first step of independence, rejected in detail, while the Kurdish leadership did not accept a referendum on time unless you get An acceptable alternative.
There has always been, and remains, a third and fourth option to resolve this crisis. The parties have not seriously considered the option of working to comply with the provisions of the Constitution and amend it, and this is a required maturity since ten years ago, and legislation of laws that must be legislated. The Kurds, who complained that their partners in Baghdad, especially the Shiite parties, had gone out on the principle of partnership and consensus, did not go to another option to break this partnership and seek new partners and form a political front (opposition) ) And the bloc of liberals (Sadr) and the civil movement, and Iraqi national forces and personalities historically known for their understanding of the Kurdish aspirations and share the Kurds demands on the Constitution, including the Communist Party and other forces of the Iraqi left.
These options are both available and available now, and will remain so even if the Kurds go through the draft referendum next week, and they are likely to defuse the serious crisis facing Iraq with all its nationalities and components and warn of undesirable consequences. * About: "Middle East"
Iraq is now in the most serious crisis since the invasion of an organization advocating a third of the country and reach the outskirts of the capital Baghdad. The invasion crisis has seriously threatened to overthrow the post-Saddam regime, and the current crisis threatens not to re-establish post-Saddam Iraq, a stable Iraq that has been on the road to development and well-being. In Baghdad and other cities there is now an atmosphere of hatred towards all Kurds, not against Kurdish forces or figures seeking to hold a referendum on the right of self-determination and independence for the Kurdistan region. Even during the era of Saddam and with the Kurds enjoy independence from Baghdad with international protection led by the United States, no one raised his voice to remove the Kurdish employees from their jobs and displacement from Baghdad, and the confiscation of their property as is the case now. Behind this racist campaign is a powerful force in the Iraqi authority, which is precisely one of the forces of political Islam that reveals a chauvinism that surpasses the Baathist chauvinism.
The continuation of this crisis will strike deep into the Iraqi social fabric and the entity of the unified Iraqi state. The Kurds remain as Iraqi citizens even if they hold today the referendum, which will not mean achieving independence the next day or the next year. Or more, and the current campaign of hatred will increase the feeling of the Kurds that the new system that they have helped create it also treats them as second-class citizens. What exacerbates this crisis is that many of its parties often deal in accordance with the principle of one option, without delving deeper into thinking and searching for options other than holding the referendum now, despite everything, or not accepting it at all and demonizing it completely and threatening violent measures to face its consequences.
For years, the Kurds did not raise the issue of independence. They theoretically enjoyed a federal and practical status in a quasi-confederal state. The issue of self-determination was raised under the second government of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, a reign of dictatorship. Al-Maliki gradually worked to concentrate the authorities in his hands, exceeding the provisions of the constitution. Helped by a significant increase in oil revenues (some years over $ 100 billion annually). At the time, the problems were exacerbated not only with the Kurds, but also with the Sunnis, who were stubborn with Maliki's demands to put an end to what they described as their policy of marginalization and discrimination against them and sought to stop their protests with armed force.
Kurds on their part saw that Maliki pursued the same policy with them, and they were the biggest bloc in the federal parliament not to apply Article 140 of the Constitution, which laid out a road map to resolve the problem of Kirkuk and other disputed areas, and the failure to enact basic laws related to state building and Arab partnership and Kurds, Council of the Union and the law of oil and gas and the law of the Commission for the protection of the rights of regions and governorates. The Maliki government cut the allocations of the Peshmerga financial forces in the state budget, although it is part of the National Military and Security National is charged with ensuring the internal security of the Kurdistan region and secure its borders, and later cut the allocations of employees of the entire government of the Territory.
Even after the end of the era of al-Maliki remained the same problems, and even exacerbated and contributed to the occupation of «calling» one third of the country, including areas of Kurdistan, which generated more feelings of fear among the Kurds that their future is not guaranteed within the Iraqi state. The idea of a referendum on independence was put forward in 2014, but the preoccupation with the war with "urging" the implementation of the idea, which was finally reintroduced with the completion of the liberation of the main cities occupied by the organization, especially Mosul, declared by the capital of his "home". The parties to the crisis (the government of Baghdad and the forces of political Islam influential, and the administration of the Kurdistan region) dealing with the crisis in accordance with the principle of limited options, Baghdad considered the referendum as the first step of independence, rejected in detail, while the Kurdish leadership did not accept a referendum on time unless you get An acceptable alternative.
There has always been, and remains, a third and fourth option to resolve this crisis. The parties have not seriously considered the option of working to comply with the provisions of the Constitution and amend it, and this is a required maturity since ten years ago, and legislation of laws that must be legislated. The Kurds, who complained that their partners in Baghdad, especially the Shiite parties, had gone out on the principle of partnership and consensus, did not go to another option to break this partnership and seek new partners and form a political front (opposition) ) And the bloc of liberals (Sadr) and the civil movement, and Iraqi national forces and personalities historically known for their understanding of the Kurdish aspirations and share the Kurds demands on the Constitution, including the Communist Party and other forces of the Iraqi left.
These options are both available and available now, and will remain so even if the Kurds go through the draft referendum next week, and they are likely to defuse the serious crisis facing Iraq with all its nationalities and components and warn of undesirable consequences. * About: "Middle East"
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