The US State Department advises Trump to stop supporting Bin Salman after the recent chaos
Tuesday, 14 November 2017 at 15:07 (Views 817)
The US State Department advises Trump to stop supporting Bin Salman after the recent chaos
Baghdad / Sky Press
In an analytical study, American experts described the recent events in Saudi Arabia as a Saudi version of the Al-Arush game, describing a campaign of unscrupulous cleansing carried out by King Salman with the order of his son Mohammed bin Salman as a kind of palace intrigue that Shakespeare loved in Hamlet, King Lear and Macbeth, .
According to the study, published by the US-based National Interest, the Saudi-style purges and the use of the Ritz-Carlton in Riyadh as a place of detention for the detainees worry the US administration and should not hide serious seriousness in those moves. Doubts about the management of the young man, who is just over 30 years old and has limited experience in governance, make an unprecedented attempt to control. If it succeeds, which is impossible to know at this stage, the impact could completely change the shape of the Kingdom and its regional role for years to come. However, it would be wise for the United States not to give full weight to Bin Salman without conditions, lest its policy in the Middle East collapse.
Rare work
To understand the importance of what King Salman and his son are trying to do, it is necessary first to assess the context of what is normal in the region, which avoids the radical shift in favor of more limited deals, preferring rather gray and white moves. Policies in the region have either been to maintain the status quo traditionally or gradually to change through cautious and unrelenting leaders. In this case, we can not consider these men leaders at all, but rather more politicians who are usually more focused on keeping their seats, rather than risking them through efforts and attempts at radical change in their local systems or even their influence abroad through ambitious reform work Peace or pacification.
In fact, metaphorically, Arab leaders are better at looking at the rearview mirror than looking ahead. We can recall bold measures, both bad and good, such as the decision of Anwar Sadat to strike Israel in October 1973, his visit to Jerusalem in 1977, the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein and the peace treaty signed by King Hussein of Jordan, Israel). All of which are rare in an area in which leaders refuse risk and test raging waters.
Try to absolute control
If this is true for the Arab world in general, it has been a hallmark of Saudi domestic and foreign policy for decades. Through unanimous commitment and consensus within the ruling family, Saudi policymakers have been able to maintain traditions in the kingdom for years, driven by the need to stabilize the succession process and not to destabilize the country from within. In fact, the nature of the transfer of power was a vague process, in which there was no clear logic, driven by the attempt to reach a degree of unanimity that did not leave angry pockets in power outside the orbit of the new king. However, there were disturbing changes, for example, the overthrow of King Saud in 1964 and the assassination of King Faisal in 1975. But in general, the royal family managed to maintain cohesion and continuity, and kept the dirty laundry and the internal work of the succession away from the eyes of the public.
This has continued so far. This is what makes Mohammed bin Salman's attempt to control power so amazing. Over the past two years, King Salman has transferred enormous power to Bin Salman in foreign, economic and oil policy. This summer, King Mohammed bin Nayef, the powerful head of the Home Office, the oldest and most trusted US friend in the war on terrorism, overthrew him, placed him under house arrest, completely marginalized and replaced by bin Salman in the state of the covenant. A crackdown has been launched against clerics and radical opponents, and the powers of religious police have been curtailed. But last week's purges set a new standard for boldness. Prince Meteb bin Abdullah, head of the National Guard, the only remaining military center outside Bin Salman's control, was taken out of the picture and placed under house arrest. In addition, Bin Salman arrested at least 11 princes and dozens of Saudi officials and businessmen, including Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, the global investor, despite the rhetoric of modernization and the role of globalization in the global economy. It is clear that the recent purges were a warning to all who might even consider challenging the emerging new order. Saudi Arabia has never had a king who controls all this power.
A reckless foreign policy
When it seemed impossible for the reckless and impulsive Ben Salman to do further harm to Saudi and American interests in the region, Saturday's massacre in Riyadh put him in a position to generate a bigger headache for the kingdom and Washington.
Bin Salman is the opposite image of King Midas (in Greek mythology he is the king who turns all his hand into gold). All that he touches is chaos, whether the brutal death and devastation that Yemen has inflicted on the kingdom's intervention or the ineffective policies of the kingdom in Syria, Or the unnecessary battle with Qatar, or the growing danger now of a confrontation that bin Salman might cause with Iran for regional supremacy, which could leave the United States in an unenviable position between the two sides. (See Saudi pressure to force the Lebanese prime minister to resign). There is nothing that Bin Salman has shown in his term as de facto ruler of the Kingdom, on which we can build confidence in his leadership of Saudi foreign policy or his ability to govern.
Now that he has broken the traditional consensus-based decision-making process, he will be able to work without limits or restrictions. Washington must tie safety belts to take off, unless it is willing to risk US interests, not just Saudi interests.
http://www.skypressiq.net/2017/11/14/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%83%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%AA%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%AD-%D8%AA%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%A8-%D8%A8%D8%A5%D9%8A%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%81-%D8%AF%D8%B9%D9%85%D9%87-%D9%84-%D8%A8%D9%86-%D8%B3%D9%84%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D9%88%D8%B6%D9%89-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%AE%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A9
Tuesday, 14 November 2017 at 15:07 (Views 817)
The US State Department advises Trump to stop supporting Bin Salman after the recent chaos
Baghdad / Sky Press
In an analytical study, American experts described the recent events in Saudi Arabia as a Saudi version of the Al-Arush game, describing a campaign of unscrupulous cleansing carried out by King Salman with the order of his son Mohammed bin Salman as a kind of palace intrigue that Shakespeare loved in Hamlet, King Lear and Macbeth, .
According to the study, published by the US-based National Interest, the Saudi-style purges and the use of the Ritz-Carlton in Riyadh as a place of detention for the detainees worry the US administration and should not hide serious seriousness in those moves. Doubts about the management of the young man, who is just over 30 years old and has limited experience in governance, make an unprecedented attempt to control. If it succeeds, which is impossible to know at this stage, the impact could completely change the shape of the Kingdom and its regional role for years to come. However, it would be wise for the United States not to give full weight to Bin Salman without conditions, lest its policy in the Middle East collapse.
Rare work
To understand the importance of what King Salman and his son are trying to do, it is necessary first to assess the context of what is normal in the region, which avoids the radical shift in favor of more limited deals, preferring rather gray and white moves. Policies in the region have either been to maintain the status quo traditionally or gradually to change through cautious and unrelenting leaders. In this case, we can not consider these men leaders at all, but rather more politicians who are usually more focused on keeping their seats, rather than risking them through efforts and attempts at radical change in their local systems or even their influence abroad through ambitious reform work Peace or pacification.
In fact, metaphorically, Arab leaders are better at looking at the rearview mirror than looking ahead. We can recall bold measures, both bad and good, such as the decision of Anwar Sadat to strike Israel in October 1973, his visit to Jerusalem in 1977, the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein and the peace treaty signed by King Hussein of Jordan, Israel). All of which are rare in an area in which leaders refuse risk and test raging waters.
Try to absolute control
If this is true for the Arab world in general, it has been a hallmark of Saudi domestic and foreign policy for decades. Through unanimous commitment and consensus within the ruling family, Saudi policymakers have been able to maintain traditions in the kingdom for years, driven by the need to stabilize the succession process and not to destabilize the country from within. In fact, the nature of the transfer of power was a vague process, in which there was no clear logic, driven by the attempt to reach a degree of unanimity that did not leave angry pockets in power outside the orbit of the new king. However, there were disturbing changes, for example, the overthrow of King Saud in 1964 and the assassination of King Faisal in 1975. But in general, the royal family managed to maintain cohesion and continuity, and kept the dirty laundry and the internal work of the succession away from the eyes of the public.
This has continued so far. This is what makes Mohammed bin Salman's attempt to control power so amazing. Over the past two years, King Salman has transferred enormous power to Bin Salman in foreign, economic and oil policy. This summer, King Mohammed bin Nayef, the powerful head of the Home Office, the oldest and most trusted US friend in the war on terrorism, overthrew him, placed him under house arrest, completely marginalized and replaced by bin Salman in the state of the covenant. A crackdown has been launched against clerics and radical opponents, and the powers of religious police have been curtailed. But last week's purges set a new standard for boldness. Prince Meteb bin Abdullah, head of the National Guard, the only remaining military center outside Bin Salman's control, was taken out of the picture and placed under house arrest. In addition, Bin Salman arrested at least 11 princes and dozens of Saudi officials and businessmen, including Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, the global investor, despite the rhetoric of modernization and the role of globalization in the global economy. It is clear that the recent purges were a warning to all who might even consider challenging the emerging new order. Saudi Arabia has never had a king who controls all this power.
A reckless foreign policy
When it seemed impossible for the reckless and impulsive Ben Salman to do further harm to Saudi and American interests in the region, Saturday's massacre in Riyadh put him in a position to generate a bigger headache for the kingdom and Washington.
Bin Salman is the opposite image of King Midas (in Greek mythology he is the king who turns all his hand into gold). All that he touches is chaos, whether the brutal death and devastation that Yemen has inflicted on the kingdom's intervention or the ineffective policies of the kingdom in Syria, Or the unnecessary battle with Qatar, or the growing danger now of a confrontation that bin Salman might cause with Iran for regional supremacy, which could leave the United States in an unenviable position between the two sides. (See Saudi pressure to force the Lebanese prime minister to resign). There is nothing that Bin Salman has shown in his term as de facto ruler of the Kingdom, on which we can build confidence in his leadership of Saudi foreign policy or his ability to govern.
Now that he has broken the traditional consensus-based decision-making process, he will be able to work without limits or restrictions. Washington must tie safety belts to take off, unless it is willing to risk US interests, not just Saudi interests.
http://www.skypressiq.net/2017/11/14/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%83%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%AA%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%AD-%D8%AA%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%A8-%D8%A8%D8%A5%D9%8A%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%81-%D8%AF%D8%B9%D9%85%D9%87-%D9%84-%D8%A8%D9%86-%D8%B3%D9%84%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D9%88%D8%B6%D9%89-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%AE%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A9
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