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The political forces do not want the withdrawal of US troops, but are afraid of taking a stand
Baghdad / Wael Ne'ma
Repetition of the Error
In his turn, Mohammad Nuri Abed Rabbo calls for the alliance of forces, the largest political umbrella for the Sunnis in Iraq, to deal realistically with a threatening threat, which is believed to still threaten Iraq from inside and outside.
A few days ago, security forces surrounded a woman wearing an explosive belt in Tarmiyah, 20 km north of Baghdad, before blowing herself up in a school. Two suicide bombers last month attacked workers with daily pay at the airfield in central Baghdad, killing and injuring about 100 people.
"The organization is still behind the border in the mountainous areas of Iraq, and there are sleeper cells inside," said Abed Rabbo, a deputy in Mosul.
In December, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi declared a "shaky" defeat from the country after nearly three years of war against the organization.
Abadi told reporters in Baghdad on Tuesday that there was a plan to gradually reduce the number of coalition forces, but added that "the danger still exists in Syria and that Iraq needs to cover a large area of air adjacent to the border." Abadi did not respond to a question about specific threats.
A spokesman for the Iraqi government said on Monday that US forces had begun to reduce numbers but part of it would remain.
In contrast, statements by the leaders of the International Alliance that changes in the form of troops may be to ensure the best available force for the task of maintaining security in Iraq.
"We will maintain an appropriate amount of capacity as well as a consultant to continue training, advising and equipping our partners to continue fighting against Da'ash, with the consent of the government of Iraq," said Braga, the coalition commander in his recent testimony to the US channel.
Coalition forces assert that they are "guests in Iraq" and that they will focus more on the police in the next phase and will monitor the border and work on building military capabilities to pursue the call "at the present time and in the future."
A coalition press release said last week that a permanent US military presence in Iraq would be based on circumstances and "commensurate with the need and in coordination with the government of Iraq."
The statement did not say whether the reorganization of US forces could lead to a reduction in the number of troops in the future. US military records, published last fall, suggested there could be as many as 9,000 US troops in Iraq helping to advise and help the Iraqi army.
Despite this information, the US military indicates that the official number of US forces in Iraq may be close to 5262.
The US-led coalition has helped Iraqi forces regain land they control in 2014 and 2015 by providing air and artillery support in the battle to restore Mosul and train tens of thousands of Iraqi special forces troops.
For his part, said Abdul Rahman al-Loezi, MP for Nineveh (range), that the Prime Minister used a "soft policy" in dealing with the US presence in Iraq, in order not to provoke his partners Shiites who reject the American presence.
Officials in the cities occupied by Daqash believe that the United States will stay longer in the military bases if it decides to strengthen its presence with more current forces to implement its strategy announced after Trump came to power to confront Iran and its influence in Iraq.
US forces are deployed in a number of military bases, the Victory base at Baghdad airport and the Taji north of the capital, the Balad airbase in Salah al-Din, the Qayara base south of Mosul and the Erbil base, as well as the Habbaniyah and Ayn al- Anbar, while sources indicate the existence of new bases established in Qaim, in the middle of the Western Sahara, also located at the airport in Tuzharmatu.
Since 2014, coalition forces have been working in Iraq with official invitation and approval from Baghdad for a staunch confrontation.
A member of the Parliamentary Security Committee, who was hesitant to comment on the subject, said: "This requires a man who has the potential to launch revolutionary slogans against America, but in reality it is not true."
The MP, who requested anonymity in a statement to (the extent), that most of the political forces and even the Shiite does not tell the truth regarding the Western forces in the country.
He added: "There is a great interference from America and Iran in the Iraqi political decision, and they control most of the positions."
Election pressure
The response to the issue of leaving US troops comes at a time when the country is preparing to run for the first parliamentary election after a humiliating defeat.
MP Abed Rabbo said: "We do not want to repeat the mistake of the previous decision to withdraw troops, this time must wait and stay away from any political calculations or electoral." While the government's comments on the reduction in numbers "may be related to the size of the protections with the advisers."
Observers are likely to put Abbadi in the "troop reduction plan" looking for new electoral gains, to get close to some of the Shiite opponents, especially the forces close to the "popular crowd" on the presence of these forces.
In the meantime, Karim al-Nouri, a member of the Badr Organization, one of the popular mobilization groups, said in a statement to Al-Mada that the issue is not being raised at this time because it "provokes the street and is used by some for election propaganda or for quoting some figures."
Some "crowd" forces, such as the Hezbollah Brigades, have repeatedly threatened to attack US forces. "We are serious about getting the Americans out of arms because the Americans only understand this language," Jafar al-Husseini, a spokesman for the Brigades, said in a televised interview last week.
The last faction had threatened to attack US forces several times before, and described its presence in Iraq as an occupation. Other groups such as Asaib Ahl al-Haq, al-Najibah and Sayyed al-Shuhadaa also support the positions of the battalions in standing up against American forces.
They believe US forces support a "preacher," as I have said more than once that they have seen Western planes receiving aid and weapons to organize in areas close to the battlefields.
And confirms Niazi Oglu, a Turkmen Turkmen Shi'a, in a statement to the (range) that there are eyewitnesses confirmed two months ago "
More recently, threats have emerged from a self-proclaimed armed group (white flags) in the seam zone between the federal and Peshmerga forces near Kirkuk.
Oglu, a member of the parliamentary security committee, also believes that America is compiling what remains of a pretext to find justification for its survival in Iraq.
But the Badr organization, run by one of its interior ministry leaders, Qasem al-Araji, seems to understand the survival of Western advisers and trainers in Iraq, but fears the presence of combat troops on the ground.
"The presence of advisers is determined by the government, but the survival of US forces will lead to a social split, and will give justification to those who want to target those forces to come to Iraq," says Karim Nouri.
Some of the forces of the crowd criticized the alliance's air strikes on military targets and wounded civilians, as happened in al-Baghdadi district last month. "We do not want foreign forces to be close to combat sites so that such mistakes do not happen, Presence ".
The task of forces
The government has insisted for years, that the foreign forces stationed in Iraq, non-combat and limited its functions to provide military advice.
Some of the statements and positions during the liberation process indicated the participation of US forces in the war on the ground, but none of these allegations have been proven conclusively.
During the battles to liberate Mosul, the MP for the Nineveh Ahmed Jubouri, the death of a US soldier in the battles there.
In July 2017, al-Jubouri confirmed that "American forces on the ground are combat and not advisory." It was then assumed that there was an undeclared agreement with the Iraqi government on the presence of US ground forces within the international coalition.
Some tribal sheikhs in Anbar, during the battles to liberate Ramadi at the end of 2015, were also likely to have Western troops on the ground fighting alongside the Iraqis.
"During the fighting at night, Iraqi forces can not be distinguished from the US," they said at the time, referring to the latter's possible participation in the war of liberation.
Despite objections to Western presence, the capabilities of Iraqi forces are still limited and need to be supported by Western forces, especially in the field of aerial photography.
"Iraq needs aerial surveillance, and the United States has aerial photography unparalleled in the world," said Alexander Tutt, another member of the security committee in parliament.
Iraq is preparing to restructure the army, according to its threat zones, and to prepare a long-term plan to shift to deterrent capabilities, something that might require the support of Western forces.
Many Iraqi troops have returned to the former size after the 1991 Gulf War.
"Our forces are now less than 20 military divisions, the previous number between 1993 and 2003," said Abdul Karim Khalaf, a former military commander.
"Iraq now has an air force and an army of 90 percent complete, as well as ground forces with sophisticated capabilities," Khalaf told Al-Mada.
The military expert says that "our forces have a reserve of equipment will be enough for the next 3 years." But he adds that the troops still need to be armed and restructured so that we have special forces in the mountains and in the desert.
The political forces do not want the withdrawal of US troops, but are afraid of taking a stand
Baghdad / Wael Ne'ma
الع Abadi uses a "soft policy" to deal with the international coalition to avoid provoking his partners
The political forces are hesitant about whether the presence of US forces in Iraq is necessary after a humiliating defeat? Even the recent statements by the government that came out to respond to the news of the departure of those forces did not give a clear answer.
Politicians see that most of Iraq's Shia, even Shiite ones, do not want a second withdrawal of forces, but can not publicly declare this out of fear of the opinion of the street and Iran and the date of the elections.
Political parties are linked to what happened in the summer of 2014 when the extremist organization controlled 200,000 square kilometers, roughly half of the country, and the first withdrawal of American troops.
Politicians see that most of Iraq's Shia, even Shiite ones, do not want a second withdrawal of forces, but can not publicly declare this out of fear of the opinion of the street and Iran and the date of the elections.
Political parties are linked to what happened in the summer of 2014 when the extremist organization controlled 200,000 square kilometers, roughly half of the country, and the first withdrawal of American troops.
The strategic agreement concluded in 2008 between Baghdad and Washington led to the evacuation of troops by the end of 2011, a decision that may not have stemmed from the inside of Iraq - despite the conversion of some Shiite forces to what happened to their benefit - more than was the plan of former US President Barack Obama Who promised his voters to reduce his forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.
After that, the country experienced a state of security and political disruptions, following a phase that was described as "fragile or relative security" in 2009, until the peak of the security decline in urbanization came to a head in June four years ago.
All indicators at the time confirmed the existence of chaos and corruption in the military system, which was an imminent threat. The complaints of the population, especially in the western and northern regions, increased from the actions of the security forces and witnessed clashes between them and protesters against the policy of the previous government in Hawija and Ramadi.
The need for US troops to stay now shows that there is no danger of a final threat from inside and outside the country, as well as the failure of Iraqi forces to complete their capabilities, especially in terms of air cover and intelligence.
Western reports have recently said that the organization in Syria is waiting for opportunities and exploiting the chaos there to return again. The extremist group had appeared in the neighboring country more than a year before moving to Iraq.
It started with the formation of the Nasra Front, which Sunni reports say is now stronger than a preacher, in 2011 in Syria, and then announced in April 2013 the establishment of the "Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant."
But the warnings are rejected by the opposition Front for the Survival of US Forces in Iraq, which are mostly armed and close to Iran, and may number as many as 10 wings, which are reportedly intended to terrorize and intimidate Iraqis to uphold the survival of foreign troops. They claim that Washington is an inventive invention in cooperation with Israel.
A US report released after last week's debate over the possibility of Western troops withdrawing from Iraq says troops are working on "permanent survival" through a series of changes, which could include the withdrawal of some heavy weapons.
Washington backs its survival in Iraq with expectations that the extremist organization's work after its defeat last year will turn into "insurgent tactics" and carry out high-profile terrorist attacks in the country.
"The coalition will adjust its forces in consultation with its Iraqi partners in order to ensure a staunch defeat," said Brigadier General Jonathan Braga, director of coalition operations.
The alliance estimates that Saddam has lost 98 percent of the land in Iraq and Syria, which he previously controlled as part of the declared caliphate.
"It is clear to us that the enemy is still capable of carrying out offensive action and retains the ability to plan attacks around the world," Braga told US station abc a few days ago.
A few thousand Da'ash fighters in the eastern desert of Syria, according to the international coalition, continue to fight against US-backed Kurdish and Arab forces.
After that, the country experienced a state of security and political disruptions, following a phase that was described as "fragile or relative security" in 2009, until the peak of the security decline in urbanization came to a head in June four years ago.
All indicators at the time confirmed the existence of chaos and corruption in the military system, which was an imminent threat. The complaints of the population, especially in the western and northern regions, increased from the actions of the security forces and witnessed clashes between them and protesters against the policy of the previous government in Hawija and Ramadi.
The need for US troops to stay now shows that there is no danger of a final threat from inside and outside the country, as well as the failure of Iraqi forces to complete their capabilities, especially in terms of air cover and intelligence.
Western reports have recently said that the organization in Syria is waiting for opportunities and exploiting the chaos there to return again. The extremist group had appeared in the neighboring country more than a year before moving to Iraq.
It started with the formation of the Nasra Front, which Sunni reports say is now stronger than a preacher, in 2011 in Syria, and then announced in April 2013 the establishment of the "Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant."
But the warnings are rejected by the opposition Front for the Survival of US Forces in Iraq, which are mostly armed and close to Iran, and may number as many as 10 wings, which are reportedly intended to terrorize and intimidate Iraqis to uphold the survival of foreign troops. They claim that Washington is an inventive invention in cooperation with Israel.
A US report released after last week's debate over the possibility of Western troops withdrawing from Iraq says troops are working on "permanent survival" through a series of changes, which could include the withdrawal of some heavy weapons.
Washington backs its survival in Iraq with expectations that the extremist organization's work after its defeat last year will turn into "insurgent tactics" and carry out high-profile terrorist attacks in the country.
"The coalition will adjust its forces in consultation with its Iraqi partners in order to ensure a staunch defeat," said Brigadier General Jonathan Braga, director of coalition operations.
The alliance estimates that Saddam has lost 98 percent of the land in Iraq and Syria, which he previously controlled as part of the declared caliphate.
"It is clear to us that the enemy is still capable of carrying out offensive action and retains the ability to plan attacks around the world," Braga told US station abc a few days ago.
A few thousand Da'ash fighters in the eastern desert of Syria, according to the international coalition, continue to fight against US-backed Kurdish and Arab forces.
Repetition of the Error
In his turn, Mohammad Nuri Abed Rabbo calls for the alliance of forces, the largest political umbrella for the Sunnis in Iraq, to deal realistically with a threatening threat, which is believed to still threaten Iraq from inside and outside.
A few days ago, security forces surrounded a woman wearing an explosive belt in Tarmiyah, 20 km north of Baghdad, before blowing herself up in a school. Two suicide bombers last month attacked workers with daily pay at the airfield in central Baghdad, killing and injuring about 100 people.
"The organization is still behind the border in the mountainous areas of Iraq, and there are sleeper cells inside," said Abed Rabbo, a deputy in Mosul.
In December, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi declared a "shaky" defeat from the country after nearly three years of war against the organization.
Abadi told reporters in Baghdad on Tuesday that there was a plan to gradually reduce the number of coalition forces, but added that "the danger still exists in Syria and that Iraq needs to cover a large area of air adjacent to the border." Abadi did not respond to a question about specific threats.
A spokesman for the Iraqi government said on Monday that US forces had begun to reduce numbers but part of it would remain.
In contrast, statements by the leaders of the International Alliance that changes in the form of troops may be to ensure the best available force for the task of maintaining security in Iraq.
"We will maintain an appropriate amount of capacity as well as a consultant to continue training, advising and equipping our partners to continue fighting against Da'ash, with the consent of the government of Iraq," said Braga, the coalition commander in his recent testimony to the US channel.
Coalition forces assert that they are "guests in Iraq" and that they will focus more on the police in the next phase and will monitor the border and work on building military capabilities to pursue the call "at the present time and in the future."
A coalition press release said last week that a permanent US military presence in Iraq would be based on circumstances and "commensurate with the need and in coordination with the government of Iraq."
The statement did not say whether the reorganization of US forces could lead to a reduction in the number of troops in the future. US military records, published last fall, suggested there could be as many as 9,000 US troops in Iraq helping to advise and help the Iraqi army.
Despite this information, the US military indicates that the official number of US forces in Iraq may be close to 5262.
The US-led coalition has helped Iraqi forces regain land they control in 2014 and 2015 by providing air and artillery support in the battle to restore Mosul and train tens of thousands of Iraqi special forces troops.
For his part, said Abdul Rahman al-Loezi, MP for Nineveh (range), that the Prime Minister used a "soft policy" in dealing with the US presence in Iraq, in order not to provoke his partners Shiites who reject the American presence.
Officials in the cities occupied by Daqash believe that the United States will stay longer in the military bases if it decides to strengthen its presence with more current forces to implement its strategy announced after Trump came to power to confront Iran and its influence in Iraq.
US forces are deployed in a number of military bases, the Victory base at Baghdad airport and the Taji north of the capital, the Balad airbase in Salah al-Din, the Qayara base south of Mosul and the Erbil base, as well as the Habbaniyah and Ayn al- Anbar, while sources indicate the existence of new bases established in Qaim, in the middle of the Western Sahara, also located at the airport in Tuzharmatu.
Since 2014, coalition forces have been working in Iraq with official invitation and approval from Baghdad for a staunch confrontation.
A member of the Parliamentary Security Committee, who was hesitant to comment on the subject, said: "This requires a man who has the potential to launch revolutionary slogans against America, but in reality it is not true."
The MP, who requested anonymity in a statement to (the extent), that most of the political forces and even the Shiite does not tell the truth regarding the Western forces in the country.
He added: "There is a great interference from America and Iran in the Iraqi political decision, and they control most of the positions."
Election pressure
The response to the issue of leaving US troops comes at a time when the country is preparing to run for the first parliamentary election after a humiliating defeat.
MP Abed Rabbo said: "We do not want to repeat the mistake of the previous decision to withdraw troops, this time must wait and stay away from any political calculations or electoral." While the government's comments on the reduction in numbers "may be related to the size of the protections with the advisers."
Observers are likely to put Abbadi in the "troop reduction plan" looking for new electoral gains, to get close to some of the Shiite opponents, especially the forces close to the "popular crowd" on the presence of these forces.
In the meantime, Karim al-Nouri, a member of the Badr Organization, one of the popular mobilization groups, said in a statement to Al-Mada that the issue is not being raised at this time because it "provokes the street and is used by some for election propaganda or for quoting some figures."
Some "crowd" forces, such as the Hezbollah Brigades, have repeatedly threatened to attack US forces. "We are serious about getting the Americans out of arms because the Americans only understand this language," Jafar al-Husseini, a spokesman for the Brigades, said in a televised interview last week.
The last faction had threatened to attack US forces several times before, and described its presence in Iraq as an occupation. Other groups such as Asaib Ahl al-Haq, al-Najibah and Sayyed al-Shuhadaa also support the positions of the battalions in standing up against American forces.
They believe US forces support a "preacher," as I have said more than once that they have seen Western planes receiving aid and weapons to organize in areas close to the battlefields.
And confirms Niazi Oglu, a Turkmen Turkmen Shi'a, in a statement to the (range) that there are eyewitnesses confirmed two months ago "
More recently, threats have emerged from a self-proclaimed armed group (white flags) in the seam zone between the federal and Peshmerga forces near Kirkuk.
Oglu, a member of the parliamentary security committee, also believes that America is compiling what remains of a pretext to find justification for its survival in Iraq.
But the Badr organization, run by one of its interior ministry leaders, Qasem al-Araji, seems to understand the survival of Western advisers and trainers in Iraq, but fears the presence of combat troops on the ground.
"The presence of advisers is determined by the government, but the survival of US forces will lead to a social split, and will give justification to those who want to target those forces to come to Iraq," says Karim Nouri.
Some of the forces of the crowd criticized the alliance's air strikes on military targets and wounded civilians, as happened in al-Baghdadi district last month. "We do not want foreign forces to be close to combat sites so that such mistakes do not happen, Presence ".
The task of forces
The government has insisted for years, that the foreign forces stationed in Iraq, non-combat and limited its functions to provide military advice.
Some of the statements and positions during the liberation process indicated the participation of US forces in the war on the ground, but none of these allegations have been proven conclusively.
During the battles to liberate Mosul, the MP for the Nineveh Ahmed Jubouri, the death of a US soldier in the battles there.
In July 2017, al-Jubouri confirmed that "American forces on the ground are combat and not advisory." It was then assumed that there was an undeclared agreement with the Iraqi government on the presence of US ground forces within the international coalition.
Some tribal sheikhs in Anbar, during the battles to liberate Ramadi at the end of 2015, were also likely to have Western troops on the ground fighting alongside the Iraqis.
"During the fighting at night, Iraqi forces can not be distinguished from the US," they said at the time, referring to the latter's possible participation in the war of liberation.
Despite objections to Western presence, the capabilities of Iraqi forces are still limited and need to be supported by Western forces, especially in the field of aerial photography.
"Iraq needs aerial surveillance, and the United States has aerial photography unparalleled in the world," said Alexander Tutt, another member of the security committee in parliament.
Iraq is preparing to restructure the army, according to its threat zones, and to prepare a long-term plan to shift to deterrent capabilities, something that might require the support of Western forces.
Many Iraqi troops have returned to the former size after the 1991 Gulf War.
"Our forces are now less than 20 military divisions, the previous number between 1993 and 2003," said Abdul Karim Khalaf, a former military commander.
"Iraq now has an air force and an army of 90 percent complete, as well as ground forces with sophisticated capabilities," Khalaf told Al-Mada.
The military expert says that "our forces have a reserve of equipment will be enough for the next 3 years." But he adds that the troops still need to be armed and restructured so that we have special forces in the mountains and in the desert.
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