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[ltr][rtl]Release date: 2018/9/15 8:54[/rtl] • [rtl]12 times read[/rtl][/ltr]
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A Newsweek article in Newsweek talks about what he calls the dangers of the slow collapse of the Saudi regime under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Contrary to speculation he will face widespread protests during the Arab Spring, the Saudi regime has managed to survive by increasing repression against a wide range of critics, including Islamists, women's rights advocates and even some members of the royal family.
It was in 2011, but now Ibn Salman is alone at the top of the power pyramid, but he has lost many tools that allow him to govern without resorting to force directly.
According to an article by the Saudi Academy of Human Rights, this solution is dangerous and unsustainable, and there is a serious risk of eroding the legitimacy of the regime, which will lead to a slow collapse from within.
One of the primary measures adopted by Ibn Salman is to undermine Wahhabism, which was an official doctrine of the state, and constitutes the basis or reason for the continuation of the rule of the Al-Saud for the various regions and components of the Kingdom.
He distanced himself from the traditional religious doctrine of the state, stripped Wahhabism of dominating the population by ignoring radical fatwas, but later put most of its critics in jail.
As a result, he created a vacuum in the national perception or approach and could only fill this void with direct repression.
Ibn Salman has arrested all Islamists, from radicals to modernists, for fear of criticism of the so-called new reforms.
Not all the detainees oppose the opening of cinemas and the lifting of the ban on women driving cars, but he fears a more profound criticism that could undermine his rule.
Ignoring, even denying the importance of Wahhabism in the continuation of the power of the Saudi family, Ibn Salman rules without the ideology of the old state, and seems compelled to use force to punish his opponents from within the narrow circle.
Second, Prince Salman wanted to gain new legitimacy by undertaking economic reforms, starting with Saudization programs and privatizing government assets and services.
Ibn Salman has promised Saudi Arabia to live in a virtuous city where young people will gain jobs and wealth in the post-oil era.
At first he succeeded in motivating the youthful imagination with promises of prosperity and advanced projects.But grief was the result.
The man faces real challenges and has been forced to go back and retreat from "economic reforms."
The most famous setback here concerns a plan to float 5% of Aramco's IPO, the giant oil pump that is the wheel of the Saudi regime and many of the world's countries.
Ibn Salman himself needs liquidity and has been plagued by foreign borrowing, the current huge figure of $ 12.5 billion in government bonds.
As a matter of urgency, young people have discovered that unemployment is what awaits them after graduation rather than promising a comfortable job.
At a slow pace, expatriate workers leave the Kingdom. At the same time, the rate of issuing visas to foreigners increases and the unemployment rate among Saudi youth increases.
With its sudden designation as crown prince in 2016 and the exclusion of the most efficient cousins, the consensus - perhaps forever - was lost within the ruling family.
Ibn Salman must move quickly to tighten his grip on power and political institutions in the state, to get rid of any latent danger that might wake up to threaten his rule.
In November 2017, Ibn Salman launched the Ritz-Carlton Drama, where more than 12 powerful princes such as Meteb bin Abdullah and Walid bin Talal were arrested.
According to some accounts, the arrests were a preventive measure against a coup planned by these princes. There is no confirmation of this story, but the story of fighting corruption was just official propaganda to justify arrests and make them palatable with a little spice.
Ibn Salman has created many enemies within his close family, which will follow him for a long time, and it is unclear whether he is able to treat the deep rift without further repression.
In the end, since the home front was not secured, Ibn Salman believed that the adoption of a foreign policy hostile to Iran and a pledge to expel it from many Arab countries might be called the new Desert Warrior.
On television, there was reliance on legitimacy by pledging a swift military victory in Yemen and restoring Saudi glory through a new vision of citizenship in the kingdom.
But the reality on the ground looks different, the Houthi rockets began to hit the outskirts of the capital Riyadh.
The bombing of Ibn Salman to Yemen proves that it is impossible to win this war, it is locked in the tribe of Yemeni wasps without the possibility of victory and without an exit strategy.
As international pressure mounts after human losses and the humanitarian crisis in Yemen, Ibn Salman can count on the United States and Britain as the main backers of this treacherous war.
Without them, he can not continue the war, according to former CIA official Bruce Riedel.
The Saudi army never fought a single war, and did not win it from another side.
In 1980, Saudi Arabia fought Iran alongside Saddam's army, and in 1990 Saddam fought to expel him from Kuwait and was fighting alongside the US military.
Unless the goal is to turn the war into a training camp for the Saudi army with little experience, there is no logical justification for continuing the Saudi raids without a victory looming.
Under repression, a Saudi revolution can not be expected in the near term. What we see is the gradual erosion of the legitimacy of the regime, which can take a long time before the collapse.
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American Journal: The Saudi regime is eroding and its victory in Yemen is impossible
[/ltr][ltr][rtl]Release date: 2018/9/15 8:54[/rtl] • [rtl]12 times read[/rtl][/ltr]
[ltr]
[Where - Continue]
A Newsweek article in Newsweek talks about what he calls the dangers of the slow collapse of the Saudi regime under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Contrary to speculation he will face widespread protests during the Arab Spring, the Saudi regime has managed to survive by increasing repression against a wide range of critics, including Islamists, women's rights advocates and even some members of the royal family.
It was in 2011, but now Ibn Salman is alone at the top of the power pyramid, but he has lost many tools that allow him to govern without resorting to force directly.
According to an article by the Saudi Academy of Human Rights, this solution is dangerous and unsustainable, and there is a serious risk of eroding the legitimacy of the regime, which will lead to a slow collapse from within.
One of the primary measures adopted by Ibn Salman is to undermine Wahhabism, which was an official doctrine of the state, and constitutes the basis or reason for the continuation of the rule of the Al-Saud for the various regions and components of the Kingdom.
He distanced himself from the traditional religious doctrine of the state, stripped Wahhabism of dominating the population by ignoring radical fatwas, but later put most of its critics in jail.
As a result, he created a vacuum in the national perception or approach and could only fill this void with direct repression.
Ibn Salman has arrested all Islamists, from radicals to modernists, for fear of criticism of the so-called new reforms.
Not all the detainees oppose the opening of cinemas and the lifting of the ban on women driving cars, but he fears a more profound criticism that could undermine his rule.
Ignoring, even denying the importance of Wahhabism in the continuation of the power of the Saudi family, Ibn Salman rules without the ideology of the old state, and seems compelled to use force to punish his opponents from within the narrow circle.
Second, Prince Salman wanted to gain new legitimacy by undertaking economic reforms, starting with Saudization programs and privatizing government assets and services.
Ibn Salman has promised Saudi Arabia to live in a virtuous city where young people will gain jobs and wealth in the post-oil era.
At first he succeeded in motivating the youthful imagination with promises of prosperity and advanced projects.But grief was the result.
The man faces real challenges and has been forced to go back and retreat from "economic reforms."
The most famous setback here concerns a plan to float 5% of Aramco's IPO, the giant oil pump that is the wheel of the Saudi regime and many of the world's countries.
Ibn Salman himself needs liquidity and has been plagued by foreign borrowing, the current huge figure of $ 12.5 billion in government bonds.
As a matter of urgency, young people have discovered that unemployment is what awaits them after graduation rather than promising a comfortable job.
At a slow pace, expatriate workers leave the Kingdom. At the same time, the rate of issuing visas to foreigners increases and the unemployment rate among Saudi youth increases.
With its sudden designation as crown prince in 2016 and the exclusion of the most efficient cousins, the consensus - perhaps forever - was lost within the ruling family.
Ibn Salman must move quickly to tighten his grip on power and political institutions in the state, to get rid of any latent danger that might wake up to threaten his rule.
In November 2017, Ibn Salman launched the Ritz-Carlton Drama, where more than 12 powerful princes such as Meteb bin Abdullah and Walid bin Talal were arrested.
According to some accounts, the arrests were a preventive measure against a coup planned by these princes. There is no confirmation of this story, but the story of fighting corruption was just official propaganda to justify arrests and make them palatable with a little spice.
Ibn Salman has created many enemies within his close family, which will follow him for a long time, and it is unclear whether he is able to treat the deep rift without further repression.
In the end, since the home front was not secured, Ibn Salman believed that the adoption of a foreign policy hostile to Iran and a pledge to expel it from many Arab countries might be called the new Desert Warrior.
On television, there was reliance on legitimacy by pledging a swift military victory in Yemen and restoring Saudi glory through a new vision of citizenship in the kingdom.
But the reality on the ground looks different, the Houthi rockets began to hit the outskirts of the capital Riyadh.
The bombing of Ibn Salman to Yemen proves that it is impossible to win this war, it is locked in the tribe of Yemeni wasps without the possibility of victory and without an exit strategy.
As international pressure mounts after human losses and the humanitarian crisis in Yemen, Ibn Salman can count on the United States and Britain as the main backers of this treacherous war.
Without them, he can not continue the war, according to former CIA official Bruce Riedel.
The Saudi army never fought a single war, and did not win it from another side.
In 1980, Saudi Arabia fought Iran alongside Saddam's army, and in 1990 Saddam fought to expel him from Kuwait and was fighting alongside the US military.
Unless the goal is to turn the war into a training camp for the Saudi army with little experience, there is no logical justification for continuing the Saudi raids without a victory looming.
Under repression, a Saudi revolution can not be expected in the near term. What we see is the gradual erosion of the legitimacy of the regime, which can take a long time before the collapse.
https://translate.google.com/translate?depth=1&hl=en&ie=UTF8&prev=_t&rurl=translate.google.com&sl=auto&tl=en&u=http://www.alliraqnews.com/modules/news/article.php%3Fstorytopic%3D41%26storyid%3D21752
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