Iranian dilemma: a people punished twice
Karim Abdian human rights activist
Thursday 12 December 2019 21:27
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Iranian protesters refuse to increase gasoline prices in the capital, Tehran (AFP)[/size]
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What leaked outside Iran reveals systematic repression
Karim Abdian human rights activist
Thursday 12 December 2019 21:27
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Iranian protesters refuse to increase gasoline prices in the capital, Tehran (AFP)[/size]
[rtl]It can be said that the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not different in many respects from others. His agents are secret and deceitful, and they kill their people, and staying in power is their ultimate goal, and therefore they resort to various means to achieve this.[/rtl]
[rtl]At the height of the last three weeks of the Iranians ’uprising nationwide over their government, we saw millions of people take to the streets; in exchange, the system shut down the Internet for five days, between November 9 and 14. This was followed by an order to shoot for the purpose of killing from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the top segment of the country's leadership. It was clear that the regime wanted to end the insurgency by any necessary means, and it needed to throw a cover of secrecy over Iran, and this was achieved by closing the internet.[/rtl]
[rtl]And now, with the return of the Internet, videos, photos and eyewitness reports began to appear and became evidence that the killing order came from the highest level of the regime in Iran, from Khamenei, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, Major General Hussein Salami, and President Hassan Rouhani.[/rtl]
[rtl]Speaking about the strategy pursued in contrast to that used in the event of an all-out war against a foreign invasion, Ali Fardawy, the deputy commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, said: “The commander is peaceful and I and the commander have been sitting at the main headquarters all the time, directing the military units with live contact on various fronts in All over the country. "[/rtl]
[rtl]double-edged sword[/rtl]
[rtl]As these events spread, the government realized that the Internet, like many modern technologies, could be a double-edged sword. Yes, the Iranians at home with each other, and with the outside, were cut off for a week, and no one knew what was going on inside the country. However, the Tehran mullahs realized that communication via the Internet is essential to trade and public society functions, and in fact, there are some aspects of our lives that have become fully dependent on the Internet.[/rtl]
[rtl]In the second week of the uprising, the regime launched a loud propaganda campaign in which they accused the protesters of being foreign agents and supporting the Zionists, Saudi Arabia and the United States.[/rtl]
[rtl]In this way, the Iranian government has failed to realize that angry citizens belonging to the lowest poor classes have been severely affected by the three-fold hike in gasoline prices, and this was the beginning of the mass protests, and these participants have also been fed up with four decades of repressive rule.[/rtl]
[rtl]Contrary to the regime's propaganda, none of the foreigners were involved in the uprising, which resulted in more than 1,104 dead, more than 7,000 wounded, and more than 30,000 detainees, and the regime was unable to give a single foreign name with a role in the Iranian movement. In addition, after Leila Fasaghi, the mayor of Jerusalem in the central state, said in a widely publicized statement that she was proudly following the implementation of the shooting order for the purpose of killing by using all available means to do so.[/rtl]
[rtl]In the event of such an order, the hierarchical ruling authority will require that the order to deploy the armed forces be made by Khamenei, as the commander of the armed forces, then by Rouhani, as the president, and then the Minister of the Interior. And it is a matter of landing until it reaches the governors of the states and then to the governors of cities such as Vasaghi.[/rtl]
[rtl]After a detailed and comprehensive review of all the data available inside and outside the tense hotspots, it became clear that the regime deployed a second and third layer of the counterinsurgency forces, i.e. the National Basij Forces and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, and the role of these armed formations comes as a second layer above the Defense Ministry layer of the military police. This represents a change in the regime's previous reactions to the popular demonstrations, which the police were deployed to confront first.[/rtl]
[rtl]Systematic campaign[/rtl]
[rtl]There is abundant evidence that includes more than 30,000 video and audio recordings compiled by the US State Department, all indicating that the Iranian regime used military helicopters, Zulfiqar tanks, armored personnel carriers, "Buraq", equipped with vision devices in the dark, and Dushka heavy machine guns from Russia 50 caliber, capable of firing from a distance of 2500 meters, and with a shooting force of 125 rounds per minute. These heavy weapons were not used in Tehran and Isfahan to disperse the demonstrators and shoot them. However, it was widely used in non-Persian provinces, such as those inhabited by Arabs and Kurds, as well as areas inhabited by the Azeri Turks and Qashqai around Shiraz. [/rtl]
[rtl]Many video films received by international media, including the New York Times and the Persian site of the US State Department, showed that the towns of Garah and Koor, inhabited by the poor and working class people, and the areas surrounding the marshes, were subjected to massacres committed by the regime and used tanks, armored personnel carriers and cars Shipping Toyota loaded with heavy machine guns. The military units opened fire on the escaping demonstrators towards the marshes, where the water depth is one meter and the reed fields rise between one and two meters. These attacks killed hundreds and injured thousands.[/rtl]
[rtl]These videos were supported by eyewitnesses in a report published by the Iranian Kurdish journalist, Shahid Alawi, who is trusted and based in the American capital.[/rtl]
[rtl]The Alwi report was based on interviews with dozens of families whose family members were subjected to arrest or injury, in addition to the families whose sons were killed in Mahshahr, Jurahi, Sarender, and Vilahin. These towns are located in the south of the Arab-majority province, Khuzestan.[/rtl]
[rtl]Last week, the London-based Ahwaz Human Rights Organization conducted telephone and Skype interviews with a number of Arab Ahwazi families whose sons were killed. These interviews took place in the presence of Dr. Javed Rehman, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran. These interviews supported other evidence of the massacres.[/rtl]
[rtl]In this regard, Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, said during a press conference last week: "We have received pictures showing Iranian security forces shooting behind fleeing protesters, or that they are shooting in dangerous places for protesters, in other words, shooting for the purpose of killing." . "[/rtl]
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Iranian President: We do not have a free press and we fail to deal with the virtual space
New US sanctions against entities associated with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard
Iraqi politicians make fun of Iran accusing Saudi Arabia of stirring the demonstrations: shameful and disparaging with the blood of the demonstrators
[rtl]Likewise, there were reports of eyewitnesses indicating that summary executions of protesters had been arrested in small streets and alleys in at least four cities in Sarbandar, Grahi, Koreh and Shadegan, and again in the predominantly Arab Khuzestan Province (Ahvaz).[/rtl]
[rtl]Meanwhile, reports from within the government included details of the arrest of 14 Iranians during the first few days of the protests. These people have dual citizenship and are from Germany, the Czech Republic, France, Austria and the Netherlands. They were identified as intruders and spies trained in the United States, Israel and Saudi Arabia. However, their families denied these accusations and said that most of them are Iranians who have lost loved ones and seek revenge against the regime, thinking that it is about to fall and that they can accelerate its fall.[/rtl]
[rtl]These reports were confirmed by members of the Iranian opposition in addition to a Western journalist. There are other reports indicating that some individuals have received money from the bazaar merchants in Tehran. If this is true, then the regime’s leadership will be afraid to know about this, because it is a reminder of how Khomeini came to power.[/rtl]
[rtl]The end of the tunnel?[/rtl]
[rtl]By looking at the vast amount of communications received through various websites on the Internet, it is clear that there is a low level of insurgency that is still continuing in multiple forms, that people are getting more and more angry and that Iranian society is still very turbulent. As we see every day groups that simultaneously launch civil disobedience movements across the country, including breaking traffic cameras, the resurgence of anti-regime graffiti graphics, and holding secret meetings at a regional level and developing strategies between student, worker and teacher unions regarding activities expected in the upcoming holidays .[/rtl]
[rtl]The protesters used a basic tactic at the national level, which is blocking the main streets and highways using cars, trucks and construction materials. This method can be seen in Tabriz, Tehran, Isfahan, Shiraz and Ahvaz. In Mahshahr, Sarbandar, the port of the Imam, the adjacent cities, Garahi, Koura and the cities of southern Khuzestan, the protesters blocked the traffic and blocked it over long distances, blocking the two-way traffic towards the important ports of trade and economy represented by the ports of Mahshahr and Imam Khomeini. As a result, the movement of thousands of trucks has been slow and delays in importing and exporting goods, including food, oil and chemical products, which are bringing tens of billions of dollars to Iran's cash-strapped economy. The use of this tactic was a highly influential tool to paralyze the economy, so this practice was an important lesson for the future.[/rtl]
[rtl]In light of all this, the system has to decide how to move forward. Either he must be more vigilant, reinforce security and establish an iron curtain in order to continue his repressive tendencies. What is more, the execution of 250 people who are considered to be "corrupt spoils on the ground" leaders considered hostile to national security and dangerous to the integrity of the state's lands.[/rtl]
[rtl]However, the regime may decide that continued repression will be futile and this may push it to loosen its grip, and then yield to popular pressure and achieve an agreement with the United States to save itself.[/rtl]
[rtl]Prisoner exchange, Wang Suleiman, recently may be the start of a negotiation process between the United States and Iran. The engagement of two high-level diplomatic figures in the two countries, represented by Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and US special envoy Brian Hook without the Iranians setting any condition is even more important than others.[/rtl]
[rtl]But the Iranians are very skeptical of ping-pong diplomacy (table tennis) and have yet to see any benefit from it. Especially with the advent of Christmas holidays in the United States and the West, any opening may be a way out - though the effects of a three-fold increase in gasoline prices and food shortages lie with the poor and the working class - and this has not changed.[/rtl]
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