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[size=39]Iraq between state and no state
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Nidal Mansour
September 16, 2021
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Nidal Mansour
September 16, 2021
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Less than a month separates Iraq from the early parliamentary elections, which are likely to bring about transformations in the political rule of the country, and after a few weeks of celebrations for the 100th anniversary of the founding of the modern Iraqi state, they were accompanied by the Baghdad Conference for Cooperation and Partnership that brought Baghdad out of its isolation and established it as a political player.
The early elections come two years after the October movement, and are considered one of its fruits, and one of the demands that the protesters chanted in the demonstration fields, and for which young men and women sacrificed their lives.
The October movement is a turning point in the history of Iraq. It is true that many of its demands were not achieved, but it drew attention to the importance of restoring the kidnapped Iraqi state, extricating the country from ruin and corruption, building a state that transcends sectarian identities, and confronting dictatorships that shrouded in sectarianism, and increased the interests of the outside before the inside. .
Questions about the future of Iraq did not stop for a moment, and during the three days of dialogues at the Al-Rafidain Forum, the answers were sometimes hidden, crises proliferated, and solutions seemed impossible, and more complex, and the clash and scramble of opinions remained the master of the situation among the political leaders in Iraq.
At the Rafidain Forum, all the officials in the Iraqi state attended, some of them wore a uniform, and some wore a turban, and some of them did not take off the militia uniforms, and all of them saw themselves as protectors of Iraq, even if they were accused on the street of its destruction and theft.
The titles of the sessions in the forum present a picture of the situation in Iraq, so do not be shocked that one of the sessions discusses the title “Iraq in a Hundred Years.. Turbulent Paths and Renewed Crises,” or “Iraq and the International Community.. Relations of Cooperation and Common Interests,” as well as “Security and Defense System.. Missions.” And the challenges.” The October movement and the paths of political change were not absent from the discussion, and the popular mobilization was strongly present, in addition to the fight against corruption, in addition to the leaders’ meetings and dialogue with them, and the anger raised by their answers.
There are many issues and conclusions raised by the Rafidain Forum, and it may be presented that the upcoming elections will not change the existing political equations, and the dominant political blocs and parties will continue to lead the scene. The list, and even the "Tishreen Movement", which led the political transformation and paid a heavy price, the possibilities of its influence and presence under the dome of Parliament are limited.
The cycle of competition will not change radically, especially after the return of the leader Muqtada al-Sadr from boycotting the elections, and those who remained boycotting until now will not change the political scene, most notably the Iraqi platform led by former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, and the National Dialogue Front led by Saleh al-Mutlaq, in addition to the Communists.
The Sadrist movement "Sairoon" will return to the fore in the elections, and the competition will remain limited to the "Fatah" blocs led by Hadi al-Amiri, "Victory" led by Haider al-Abadi, "State of Law" and its symbol Nuri al-Maliki, the "National Forces Alliance" led by Ammar al-Hakim, and the party The Kurdistan Democratic Party is led by Nechirvan Barzani, and there will be no surprises, according to all estimates.
The issue that everyone raises, and its square does not leave the majority, is the supremacy of sectarian identity over national identity, as the discussion about the role of sectarian components in managing the affairs of the country and power is heard, and advances the political alphabets, and the most prominent absentee from the unified Iraq dialogue, and that is why the leader Ammar al-Hakim strongly poses the slogan " State and no state” in the midst of the upcoming elections, and calls for national projects that transcend governments, and declares that “Shiism is a sect, not a political party,” and the former Foreign Minister, Hoshyar Zebari, does not stray far from him, when he affirms that the state is built with participation, not exclusivity and monopoly, and renews the call for leaders Transnational nationalism with sectarian components, and the sharing of power and wealth on democratic bases.
The issue of separating power on sectarian grounds does not seem far from the fingers of external interference in Iraq, and for this reason, the dialogue in the forum sessions did not stop at external interference, and fingers were pointed at Iran more than others, and the statements and insinuations did not stop at linking some political parties to Tehran, and the crowd remained Al-Shaabi was under the bombardment of accusations, and some did not hide his involvement in targeting and liquidating the demonstrators in the Tishreen movement, up to saying, "Saudi Arabia was with the movement, and Iran was against it."
Shiite, Sunni or Kurdish political blocs and parties do not accept responsibility for the erosion of Iraq's national identity to preserve their rule and the spoils guaranteed by power-sharing, which prompted Ammar al-Hakim to warn against the "Lebanonization" of the political situation in Iraq.
On the fringes of sectarian authority, the phenomenon of armed militias in Iraq is enshrined in a clear challenge to the will of the state, and the most blatant example of it is the phenomenon of the popular mobilization, which includes more than 169,000 armed men that joined after the war against “ISIS” under the umbrella of the Iraqi armed forces, and despite this, questions about their loyalty and affiliation The politician was not obscured by the answers of the leaders of the crowd, Faleh al-Fayyad, and Hadi al-Amiri.
Al-Fayyad, in the dialogue with him, did not equivocate in his answers. He, despite his affiliation with the armed forces, did not deny his support for an electoral list, and announced that he would reject the orders of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces if they did not comply with the orders of the religious authority. And the expression, he attributes the crowd to the state's survival and not its collapse, and he is the one who prevents the coup against it.
The most problematic issues that did not find solutions were corruption. The crisis in Iraq was the marriage of power and money, and the dominant face of power was sectarian par excellence, and corruption continued to be associated with wealth and money.
The figures on corruption in Iraq are horrific; The report of the Parliamentary Integrity Committee talks about 350 billion dollars that have been smuggled out of the country since 2003, or approximately 32 percent of oil revenues, and that 6,000 fake projects were another indicator and address for corruption.
Former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi admits that corruption is the cause of the collapse and decline, and says fighting corruption is a system, not a war on Facebook. Ammar al-Hakim supports this talk by emphasizing that fighting corruption is not just talk, but rather how to build a state that prevents corruption from accessing public money, acknowledging that The political blocs protect corruption, and this is the most dangerous.
Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kazemi at the Baghdad Conference for Cooperation and Partnership, tried to put an end to external interference in his country, for Iraq to become an arena for settling accounts has become a red line, and it is no longer acceptable, and if Al-Kazemi’s approach succeeds in neutralizing neighboring countries, the next task after the elections is to find solutions to crises The intractable interior, and the most prominent roadmap for building the national state, and this means an authority that transcends sects and sects, a constitution that transcends any other reference, laws that guarantee accountability for the corrupt, protect people’s rights, and an army that is not contested by militias - whatever their names - that owe allegiance to a state other than Iraq.
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The early elections come two years after the October movement, and are considered one of its fruits, and one of the demands that the protesters chanted in the demonstration fields, and for which young men and women sacrificed their lives.
The October movement is a turning point in the history of Iraq. It is true that many of its demands were not achieved, but it drew attention to the importance of restoring the kidnapped Iraqi state, extricating the country from ruin and corruption, building a state that transcends sectarian identities, and confronting dictatorships that shrouded in sectarianism, and increased the interests of the outside before the inside. .
Questions about the future of Iraq did not stop for a moment, and during the three days of dialogues at the Al-Rafidain Forum, the answers were sometimes hidden, crises proliferated, and solutions seemed impossible, and more complex, and the clash and scramble of opinions remained the master of the situation among the political leaders in Iraq.
At the Rafidain Forum, all the officials in the Iraqi state attended, some of them wore a uniform, and some wore a turban, and some of them did not take off the militia uniforms, and all of them saw themselves as protectors of Iraq, even if they were accused on the street of its destruction and theft.
The titles of the sessions in the forum present a picture of the situation in Iraq, so do not be shocked that one of the sessions discusses the title “Iraq in a Hundred Years.. Turbulent Paths and Renewed Crises,” or “Iraq and the International Community.. Relations of Cooperation and Common Interests,” as well as “Security and Defense System.. Missions.” And the challenges.” The October movement and the paths of political change were not absent from the discussion, and the popular mobilization was strongly present, in addition to the fight against corruption, in addition to the leaders’ meetings and dialogue with them, and the anger raised by their answers.
There are many issues and conclusions raised by the Rafidain Forum, and it may be presented that the upcoming elections will not change the existing political equations, and the dominant political blocs and parties will continue to lead the scene. The list, and even the "Tishreen Movement", which led the political transformation and paid a heavy price, the possibilities of its influence and presence under the dome of Parliament are limited.
The cycle of competition will not change radically, especially after the return of the leader Muqtada al-Sadr from boycotting the elections, and those who remained boycotting until now will not change the political scene, most notably the Iraqi platform led by former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, and the National Dialogue Front led by Saleh al-Mutlaq, in addition to the Communists.
The Sadrist movement "Sairoon" will return to the fore in the elections, and the competition will remain limited to the "Fatah" blocs led by Hadi al-Amiri, "Victory" led by Haider al-Abadi, "State of Law" and its symbol Nuri al-Maliki, the "National Forces Alliance" led by Ammar al-Hakim, and the party The Kurdistan Democratic Party is led by Nechirvan Barzani, and there will be no surprises, according to all estimates.
The issue that everyone raises, and its square does not leave the majority, is the supremacy of sectarian identity over national identity, as the discussion about the role of sectarian components in managing the affairs of the country and power is heard, and advances the political alphabets, and the most prominent absentee from the unified Iraq dialogue, and that is why the leader Ammar al-Hakim strongly poses the slogan " State and no state” in the midst of the upcoming elections, and calls for national projects that transcend governments, and declares that “Shiism is a sect, not a political party,” and the former Foreign Minister, Hoshyar Zebari, does not stray far from him, when he affirms that the state is built with participation, not exclusivity and monopoly, and renews the call for leaders Transnational nationalism with sectarian components, and the sharing of power and wealth on democratic bases.
The issue of separating power on sectarian grounds does not seem far from the fingers of external interference in Iraq, and for this reason, the dialogue in the forum sessions did not stop at external interference, and fingers were pointed at Iran more than others, and the statements and insinuations did not stop at linking some political parties to Tehran, and the crowd remained Al-Shaabi was under the bombardment of accusations, and some did not hide his involvement in targeting and liquidating the demonstrators in the Tishreen movement, up to saying, "Saudi Arabia was with the movement, and Iran was against it."
Shiite, Sunni or Kurdish political blocs and parties do not accept responsibility for the erosion of Iraq's national identity to preserve their rule and the spoils guaranteed by power-sharing, which prompted Ammar al-Hakim to warn against the "Lebanonization" of the political situation in Iraq.
On the fringes of sectarian authority, the phenomenon of armed militias in Iraq is enshrined in a clear challenge to the will of the state, and the most blatant example of it is the phenomenon of the popular mobilization, which includes more than 169,000 armed men that joined after the war against “ISIS” under the umbrella of the Iraqi armed forces, and despite this, questions about their loyalty and affiliation The politician was not obscured by the answers of the leaders of the crowd, Faleh al-Fayyad, and Hadi al-Amiri.
Al-Fayyad, in the dialogue with him, did not equivocate in his answers. He, despite his affiliation with the armed forces, did not deny his support for an electoral list, and announced that he would reject the orders of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces if they did not comply with the orders of the religious authority. And the expression, he attributes the crowd to the state's survival and not its collapse, and he is the one who prevents the coup against it.
The most problematic issues that did not find solutions were corruption. The crisis in Iraq was the marriage of power and money, and the dominant face of power was sectarian par excellence, and corruption continued to be associated with wealth and money.
The figures on corruption in Iraq are horrific; The report of the Parliamentary Integrity Committee talks about 350 billion dollars that have been smuggled out of the country since 2003, or approximately 32 percent of oil revenues, and that 6,000 fake projects were another indicator and address for corruption.
Former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi admits that corruption is the cause of the collapse and decline, and says fighting corruption is a system, not a war on Facebook. Ammar al-Hakim supports this talk by emphasizing that fighting corruption is not just talk, but rather how to build a state that prevents corruption from accessing public money, acknowledging that The political blocs protect corruption, and this is the most dangerous.
Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kazemi at the Baghdad Conference for Cooperation and Partnership, tried to put an end to external interference in his country, for Iraq to become an arena for settling accounts has become a red line, and it is no longer acceptable, and if Al-Kazemi’s approach succeeds in neutralizing neighboring countries, the next task after the elections is to find solutions to crises The intractable interior, and the most prominent roadmap for building the national state, and this means an authority that transcends sects and sects, a constitution that transcends any other reference, laws that guarantee accountability for the corrupt, protect people’s rights, and an army that is not contested by militias - whatever their names - that owe allegiance to a state other than Iraq.
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