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[size=52]The return of Sunni leaders to the political arena .. Coincidence or tactic from the "framework"?[/size]
[size=45]The political conflict in Iraq has entered an extreme stage, with the end of the deadline for the leader of the Sadrist movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, which he granted to his opponents, to form a government, while Sunni leaders, who were exiled abroad or imprisoned in prisons, represented pressure cards in the hands of the forces of the “coordinating framework”, against The “Save the Homeland” coalition led by al-Sadr.[/size]
[size=45]And on the tenth of next May, the deadline given by al-Sadr to the “framework” forces to form a government will expire, in a move he wanted to embarrass his opponents, due to their inability to do so, and in return they rejected his project, which is a political majority government.[/size]
[size=45]However, the coordinating framework forces resorted to several ways to tighten the noose around al-Sadr, and members of his coalition (the Kurdistan Democratic Party headed by Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani, and the Sunni Sovereignty Alliance headed by Muhammad al-Halbousi and Khamis al-Khanjar), through various methods, such as political pressure, and sending delegations, with the aim of Persuading these parties to end their alliance with al-Sadr, but it seems that these attempts have failed and the tripartite alliance is still cohesive.[/size]
[size=45]a surprise[/size]
[size=45]The last of these papers came as a surprise to the political arena in Iraq, where the tribal leader Ali Hatem Suleiman announced his return to Baghdad, after a forced exile trip, to the Kurdistan Region for eight years, prompted by the then Prime Minister and the leader of the current coordination framework, Nuri al-Maliki.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Hatem is one of the prominent tribal leaders in Anbar Governorate (western Iraq), and he played a major role in the Sunni protests in 2012, and is accused by the forces allied to Iran of (terrorism), but he did not appear before a judicial body to decide on these allegations, But his rhetoric during the past years was sharp towards the Shiite forces close to Iran, as well as Nuri al-Maliki, and he frequently attacked Tehran's policy in the country.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sulaiman announced his sudden return, in a tweet to him on his Twitter account, in which he said, “After Anbar suffered from projects of extremism and terrorism and turned into a phase of domination, dictatorship, muzzling and corruption, we announce from Baghdad that these actions will face a reaction that the owners of normalization and partition projects and those who stole the rights of those who stole their rights would not expect.” The component, and whoever claims leadership should understand this is the last chance.” In a reference that seemed directed mainly to Al-Halbousi.[/size]
[size=45]Hatem returned - according to Iraqi media - according to a settlement made by the head of the State of Law coalition and the head of the Coordination Framework Alliance, Nuri al-Maliki, with the support of Tehran, with the aim of restricting Parliament Speaker Muhammad al-Halbousi, by finding equal or opposing leaders in Anbar Governorate, to denounce his alliance with al-Sadr.[/size]
[size=45]Prior to that, a settlement was also made, to restore former Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi to the political arena, after years of prosecutions. He is also a leading figure, and he enjoys a wide audience in the city of Fallujah, where he has so far been able to settle most of the lawsuits filed against him.[/size]
[size=45]And during the past few hours, news emerged of a quiet settlement being conducted behind the scenes to release former MP Ahmed Al-Alwani, a Sunni leader who has been imprisoned for years because of his participation in the popular protests.[/size]
[size=45]Impact on the Sunni decision[/size]
[size=45]In turn, the political analyst, Kitab Al-Mizan, believes that “the return of these politicians and clan elders will have an impact on the Sunni decision at the political, popular, and societal levels, which poses a political danger to some of the current leaders,” noting that “they may be supported.” by other forces such as the Coordination Framework.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Mizan added in a statement that “the forces of the coordinating framework will play on the card of opposites, to create a state of balance within the Sunni cities, as there were some political leaders, without a real competitor in those cities.”[/size]
[size=45]He pointed out that "reconstruction projects and solving the problems of the displaced must be a top priority for these politicians in the city."[/size]
[size=45]Although the return of these politicians and tribal leaders represents a positive sign and a first step towards societal reconciliation, it also provoked widespread anger through social networking sites, for using this paper in political rivalries, and returning them, for political goals, as well as other questions that emerged about the nature of the authorities’ abuse judicial, and its quick and flexible response to it.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Maliki denies[/size]
[size=45]According to media reports from Baghdad, it was the head of the State of Law coalition, and the leader of the “coordinating framework” Nuri al-Maliki, who hosted the tribal leader, and made a settlement for him, days after Ali Hatem Suleiman spent in Tehran, according to leaks.
But al-Maliki's office denied his relationship with the return of the tribal leader, and considered it counter-propaganda.[/size]
[size=45]Hisham al-Rikabi, director of al-Maliki’s office, said, in a statement read by (Basnews) that “the circulation of the lie of Nuri al-Maliki’s reception of Ali Hatem al-Suleiman in this form of insistence on lying and forgery reveals that there are parties affected by Suleiman’s presence in Baghdad and worried about his return to Anbar.”[/size]
[size=45]He added, that these parties are "working to employ what they have of satellite channels and electronic armies for the purpose of perpetuating a lie that we have categorically denied, emphasizing that the decision to allow the wanted persons to come to Baghdad is not in the hands of al-Maliki because he does not have, today, any executive position that allows him to interfere in such matters." these issues.”
But commentators and bloggers launched several hashtags on social networking sites, regarding the return of Suleiman, and Al-Maliki’s relationship with that, considering that this return represents a trump card, an objection to Parliament Speaker Muhammad Al-Halbousi, who allied himself with Al-Sadr, which means finding a state of balance in Anbar Governorate, and not leaving the scene. For Al-Halbousi, alone.[/size]
[size=45]Despite the pressures that the “coordinating framework” forces are trying to put on the “triple alliance” by attracting figures opposed to al-Halbousi, observers believe that what is happening represents “no more than a process of political preoccupation, as the Sunni figures who have returned to political circles will not have an impact.” on the political scene in the coming period.[/size]
[size=45]Coincidence or tactic?[/size]
[size=45]Al-Halbousi and Al-Khanjar have worked over the past years to fill the void left by the absence of influential and influential clans, for reasons mostly related to clashes with the existing political system.[/size]
[size=45]The circles indicate that the return of some symbols in the Sunni provinces will certainly cause the duo to be of great concern, and may re-shuffle the cards for them and also for their current ally, the leader of the Sadrist movement, Muqtada al-Sadr.[/size]
[size=45]Observers believe that the return of Suleiman, who has clan weight, and al-Issawi, who represents one of the most prominent Sunni faces, does not seem to be a coincidence, and the coordinating framework led by the State of Law coalition may be behind the engineering of this return.[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, Sunni figures and deputies expressed their conservative welcome to Suleiman’s return, and a member of the House of Representatives from the “Azm” bloc Mishaan al-Jubouri expressed his conviction that the latter “was pursued or wanted in malicious cases invented by the deep state that has influence in some state agencies.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Jubouri added, via his Twitter account, "As for his return and the end of the cases against him, they are opponents of the Alliance of Sovereignty and they aim to stir up problems in Anbar, but I think that they will not succeed due to the wisdom and prudence of the parties."[/size]
[size=45]For his part, writer and academic Alaa Mustafa, in a tweet on his Twitter account, considered that "the return of Ali Hatem Al-Sulaiman to the social scene in Anbar will create a competitive factor that surrounds the symbolism of Al-Halbousi and a tool of power that hinders his acquisition of the component and its leadership," noting that the return of Suleiman leads to "providing support for To the voices opposing the Progress Party in Anbar, with its social status that cannot be reduced in a governorate with a tribal identity,” he asked, “Is his return a coincidence or a clever tactic?[/size]
[size=45][You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
[size=52]The return of Sunni leaders to the political arena .. Coincidence or tactic from the "framework"?[/size]
[size=45]The political conflict in Iraq has entered an extreme stage, with the end of the deadline for the leader of the Sadrist movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, which he granted to his opponents, to form a government, while Sunni leaders, who were exiled abroad or imprisoned in prisons, represented pressure cards in the hands of the forces of the “coordinating framework”, against The “Save the Homeland” coalition led by al-Sadr.[/size]
[size=45]And on the tenth of next May, the deadline given by al-Sadr to the “framework” forces to form a government will expire, in a move he wanted to embarrass his opponents, due to their inability to do so, and in return they rejected his project, which is a political majority government.[/size]
[size=45]However, the coordinating framework forces resorted to several ways to tighten the noose around al-Sadr, and members of his coalition (the Kurdistan Democratic Party headed by Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani, and the Sunni Sovereignty Alliance headed by Muhammad al-Halbousi and Khamis al-Khanjar), through various methods, such as political pressure, and sending delegations, with the aim of Persuading these parties to end their alliance with al-Sadr, but it seems that these attempts have failed and the tripartite alliance is still cohesive.[/size]
[size=45]a surprise[/size]
[size=45]The last of these papers came as a surprise to the political arena in Iraq, where the tribal leader Ali Hatem Suleiman announced his return to Baghdad, after a forced exile trip, to the Kurdistan Region for eight years, prompted by the then Prime Minister and the leader of the current coordination framework, Nuri al-Maliki.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Hatem is one of the prominent tribal leaders in Anbar Governorate (western Iraq), and he played a major role in the Sunni protests in 2012, and is accused by the forces allied to Iran of (terrorism), but he did not appear before a judicial body to decide on these allegations, But his rhetoric during the past years was sharp towards the Shiite forces close to Iran, as well as Nuri al-Maliki, and he frequently attacked Tehran's policy in the country.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sulaiman announced his sudden return, in a tweet to him on his Twitter account, in which he said, “After Anbar suffered from projects of extremism and terrorism and turned into a phase of domination, dictatorship, muzzling and corruption, we announce from Baghdad that these actions will face a reaction that the owners of normalization and partition projects and those who stole the rights of those who stole their rights would not expect.” The component, and whoever claims leadership should understand this is the last chance.” In a reference that seemed directed mainly to Al-Halbousi.[/size]
[size=45]Hatem returned - according to Iraqi media - according to a settlement made by the head of the State of Law coalition and the head of the Coordination Framework Alliance, Nuri al-Maliki, with the support of Tehran, with the aim of restricting Parliament Speaker Muhammad al-Halbousi, by finding equal or opposing leaders in Anbar Governorate, to denounce his alliance with al-Sadr.[/size]
[size=45]Prior to that, a settlement was also made, to restore former Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi to the political arena, after years of prosecutions. He is also a leading figure, and he enjoys a wide audience in the city of Fallujah, where he has so far been able to settle most of the lawsuits filed against him.[/size]
[size=45]And during the past few hours, news emerged of a quiet settlement being conducted behind the scenes to release former MP Ahmed Al-Alwani, a Sunni leader who has been imprisoned for years because of his participation in the popular protests.[/size]
[size=45]Impact on the Sunni decision[/size]
[size=45]In turn, the political analyst, Kitab Al-Mizan, believes that “the return of these politicians and clan elders will have an impact on the Sunni decision at the political, popular, and societal levels, which poses a political danger to some of the current leaders,” noting that “they may be supported.” by other forces such as the Coordination Framework.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Mizan added in a statement that “the forces of the coordinating framework will play on the card of opposites, to create a state of balance within the Sunni cities, as there were some political leaders, without a real competitor in those cities.”[/size]
[size=45]He pointed out that "reconstruction projects and solving the problems of the displaced must be a top priority for these politicians in the city."[/size]
[size=45]Although the return of these politicians and tribal leaders represents a positive sign and a first step towards societal reconciliation, it also provoked widespread anger through social networking sites, for using this paper in political rivalries, and returning them, for political goals, as well as other questions that emerged about the nature of the authorities’ abuse judicial, and its quick and flexible response to it.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Maliki denies[/size]
[size=45]According to media reports from Baghdad, it was the head of the State of Law coalition, and the leader of the “coordinating framework” Nuri al-Maliki, who hosted the tribal leader, and made a settlement for him, days after Ali Hatem Suleiman spent in Tehran, according to leaks.
But al-Maliki's office denied his relationship with the return of the tribal leader, and considered it counter-propaganda.[/size]
[size=45]Hisham al-Rikabi, director of al-Maliki’s office, said, in a statement read by (Basnews) that “the circulation of the lie of Nuri al-Maliki’s reception of Ali Hatem al-Suleiman in this form of insistence on lying and forgery reveals that there are parties affected by Suleiman’s presence in Baghdad and worried about his return to Anbar.”[/size]
[size=45]He added, that these parties are "working to employ what they have of satellite channels and electronic armies for the purpose of perpetuating a lie that we have categorically denied, emphasizing that the decision to allow the wanted persons to come to Baghdad is not in the hands of al-Maliki because he does not have, today, any executive position that allows him to interfere in such matters." these issues.”
But commentators and bloggers launched several hashtags on social networking sites, regarding the return of Suleiman, and Al-Maliki’s relationship with that, considering that this return represents a trump card, an objection to Parliament Speaker Muhammad Al-Halbousi, who allied himself with Al-Sadr, which means finding a state of balance in Anbar Governorate, and not leaving the scene. For Al-Halbousi, alone.[/size]
[size=45]Despite the pressures that the “coordinating framework” forces are trying to put on the “triple alliance” by attracting figures opposed to al-Halbousi, observers believe that what is happening represents “no more than a process of political preoccupation, as the Sunni figures who have returned to political circles will not have an impact.” on the political scene in the coming period.[/size]
[size=45]Coincidence or tactic?[/size]
[size=45]Al-Halbousi and Al-Khanjar have worked over the past years to fill the void left by the absence of influential and influential clans, for reasons mostly related to clashes with the existing political system.[/size]
[size=45]The circles indicate that the return of some symbols in the Sunni provinces will certainly cause the duo to be of great concern, and may re-shuffle the cards for them and also for their current ally, the leader of the Sadrist movement, Muqtada al-Sadr.[/size]
[size=45]Observers believe that the return of Suleiman, who has clan weight, and al-Issawi, who represents one of the most prominent Sunni faces, does not seem to be a coincidence, and the coordinating framework led by the State of Law coalition may be behind the engineering of this return.[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, Sunni figures and deputies expressed their conservative welcome to Suleiman’s return, and a member of the House of Representatives from the “Azm” bloc Mishaan al-Jubouri expressed his conviction that the latter “was pursued or wanted in malicious cases invented by the deep state that has influence in some state agencies.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Jubouri added, via his Twitter account, "As for his return and the end of the cases against him, they are opponents of the Alliance of Sovereignty and they aim to stir up problems in Anbar, but I think that they will not succeed due to the wisdom and prudence of the parties."[/size]
[size=45]For his part, writer and academic Alaa Mustafa, in a tweet on his Twitter account, considered that "the return of Ali Hatem Al-Sulaiman to the social scene in Anbar will create a competitive factor that surrounds the symbolism of Al-Halbousi and a tool of power that hinders his acquisition of the component and its leadership," noting that the return of Suleiman leads to "providing support for To the voices opposing the Progress Party in Anbar, with its social status that cannot be reduced in a governorate with a tribal identity,” he asked, “Is his return a coincidence or a clever tactic?[/size]
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