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[size=52]The cabinet reshuffle battle is decided in favor of Al-Maliki... and positions are distributed according to the carrot and stick policy[/size]
[size=45]Baghdad/ Tamim Al-Hassan[/size]
[size=45]The cabinet reshuffle battle, which Prime Minister Mohamed al-Sudani raised months ago, appears to have been decided in favor of Nouri al-Maliki, the leader of the State of Law, who was strongly opposed to the reshuffle.[/size]
[size=45]The year 2023 is approaching the end, and there are no indications yet that the amendment, which was supposed to be implemented in the middle of the year, will be made, according to what Al-Sudani said.[/size]
[size=45]Otherwise, the government made amendments to sensitive administrative and security positions, which passed with strange calm and without political objection.[/size]
[size=45]It appears that the coordinating framework, which leads the government, maintained the shares of the rest of the political forces, or was satisfied with the “carrot and stick” policy.[/size]
[size=45]An exception to this is the positions of the Sadrist movement, of which the movement’s circles indicate that more than half of them have been controlled so far.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sudani appeared decisive in the first quarter of this year, when he said that he would not compliment “a leader or party” in the ministerial reshuffle.[/size]
[size=45]But political sources close to the Shiite alliance told Al-Mada that “the ministerial reshuffle is still one of the biggest differences within the coordination framework, and its implementation has been stalled so far.”[/size]
[size=45]The Wisdom Movement, led by Ammar al-Hakim and his partner Haider al-Abadi (the leader of Victory), seems to be the most enthusiastic about the amendment, especially since the two leaders do not have ministries in the government.[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, the most vocal opponent of the change of ministers was Nouri al-Maliki, who denied more than once that there was a cabinet reshuffle at all.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sudani said last April that “the cabinet reshuffle is not subject to desire and mood,” and that he was referring to Al-Maliki.[/size]
[size=45]Sources close to the “Frame” suggest that what was happening regarding the ministerial reshuffle was “as part of the settling of old scores between Sudanese and Al-Maliki.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Maliki had refused to support Al-Sudani, the MP who defected from the State of Law, to head the government, while Asaib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais Khazali, insisted on that.[/size]
[size=45]Neither Al-Khazali nor Hadi Al-Amiri, leader of the Badr Organization, issued any comments about the cabinet reshuffle, even though the two own the lion’s share of the ministries’ shares.[/size]
[size=45]Last summer, when the amendment was expected to take place, the Prime Minister was close to replacing five ministers, before he lost his enthusiasm for unknown reasons.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sudani was excused once because there was no budget to evaluate the ministers, and another time because the evaluation procedure was not completed, but all of this was more than 5 months ago.[/size]
[size=45]Sources close to the Shiite framework confirm that, “If the Sudanese wants to implement the ministerial reshuffle, he needs a parliamentary vote, and this cannot be guaranteed amid the division of the framework.”[/size]
[size=45]Officially, the State Administration Alliance, which includes all the winning forces in Parliament, including the “Framework,” says that it has authorized the Sudanese to make any amendment.[/size]
[size=45]Meanwhile, Ihsan Al-Shammari, professor of strategic and international studies at the University of Baghdad, points out the success of “only 3 ministers” in a cabinet containing more than 20 ministers.[/size]
[size=45]Therefore, in an interview with Al-Mada, Al-Shammari ruled out that Al-Sudani backed away from the government amendment “because the ministers’ performance improved” during the evaluation period that was announced late last year.[/size]
[size=45]The Shiite framework had previously leaked the names of ministers nominated for replacement, and others threatened to be dismissed, such as Communications Minister Hiam Al-Yasiri.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari, head of the Center for Political Thinking, believes that the Prime Minister “decided to postpone the ministerial reshuffle due to the presence of a ruling political will within the coordination framework to reject the procedure.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari points out that leaders close to Al-Maliki revealed the rejection of the amendment within the “framework,” especially since the government was formed according to “partisan quotas, and everyone is not prepared for vibrations in the consensus.”[/size]
[size=45]Also, according to what Al-Shammari says, the Sudanese does not seem ready now to open fronts against him, especially with the presence of dissatisfaction in the street over the lack of services, the collapse of the value of the dinar, and the approaching local elections.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari confirms that “the Prime Minister no longer wants a government amendment, and he recently rejected the resignation of 3 ministers from the Taqadum Party.” The framework is the one who gives the green light for this measure, not the Sudanese.”[/size]
[size=45]Meanwhile, Al-Sudani passed a number of amendments to sensitive government and security positions without objections from any political party.[/size]
[size=45]The sources say that “everyone was satisfied with quotas, and those who objected were settled by closing files or threatening to open other files.”[/size]
[size=45]The day before yesterday, the Council of Ministers approved the dismissal and rotation of (12) general directors, and before that, Abdul Wahab Al-Saadi, the head of the fight against terrorism, was removed.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari says, “All changes are made according to quota standards, which means that everything that is happening has political dimensions.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari mentions that the Shiite framework recognized from the beginning that the government is the “government of the state administration coalition,” and that positions except ministers are distributed according to quotas, and therefore the coalition formed a committee to share positions.[/size]
[size=45]It seems that the one who was not taken into account in this inventory of positions is the Sadrist movement, as circles in the movement led by Muqtada al-Sadr say that “about 60 positions have been robbed so far, far from the media.”[/size]
[size=45]According to a leader in the movement who spoke to Al-Mada, the political positions held by the movement do not exceed “110 or 115 positions, which is equivalent to less than 6% of the special grades.”[/size]
[size=45]This contradicts the narrative put forward by the coordination framework, which claims that Al-Sadr has controlled 60% of those jobs in the past three years.[/size]
[size=45][You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
[size=52]The cabinet reshuffle battle is decided in favor of Al-Maliki... and positions are distributed according to the carrot and stick policy[/size]
[size=45]Baghdad/ Tamim Al-Hassan[/size]
[size=45]The cabinet reshuffle battle, which Prime Minister Mohamed al-Sudani raised months ago, appears to have been decided in favor of Nouri al-Maliki, the leader of the State of Law, who was strongly opposed to the reshuffle.[/size]
[size=45]The year 2023 is approaching the end, and there are no indications yet that the amendment, which was supposed to be implemented in the middle of the year, will be made, according to what Al-Sudani said.[/size]
[size=45]Otherwise, the government made amendments to sensitive administrative and security positions, which passed with strange calm and without political objection.[/size]
[size=45]It appears that the coordinating framework, which leads the government, maintained the shares of the rest of the political forces, or was satisfied with the “carrot and stick” policy.[/size]
[size=45]An exception to this is the positions of the Sadrist movement, of which the movement’s circles indicate that more than half of them have been controlled so far.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sudani appeared decisive in the first quarter of this year, when he said that he would not compliment “a leader or party” in the ministerial reshuffle.[/size]
[size=45]But political sources close to the Shiite alliance told Al-Mada that “the ministerial reshuffle is still one of the biggest differences within the coordination framework, and its implementation has been stalled so far.”[/size]
[size=45]The Wisdom Movement, led by Ammar al-Hakim and his partner Haider al-Abadi (the leader of Victory), seems to be the most enthusiastic about the amendment, especially since the two leaders do not have ministries in the government.[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, the most vocal opponent of the change of ministers was Nouri al-Maliki, who denied more than once that there was a cabinet reshuffle at all.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sudani said last April that “the cabinet reshuffle is not subject to desire and mood,” and that he was referring to Al-Maliki.[/size]
[size=45]Sources close to the “Frame” suggest that what was happening regarding the ministerial reshuffle was “as part of the settling of old scores between Sudanese and Al-Maliki.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Maliki had refused to support Al-Sudani, the MP who defected from the State of Law, to head the government, while Asaib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais Khazali, insisted on that.[/size]
[size=45]Neither Al-Khazali nor Hadi Al-Amiri, leader of the Badr Organization, issued any comments about the cabinet reshuffle, even though the two own the lion’s share of the ministries’ shares.[/size]
[size=45]Last summer, when the amendment was expected to take place, the Prime Minister was close to replacing five ministers, before he lost his enthusiasm for unknown reasons.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sudani was excused once because there was no budget to evaluate the ministers, and another time because the evaluation procedure was not completed, but all of this was more than 5 months ago.[/size]
[size=45]Sources close to the Shiite framework confirm that, “If the Sudanese wants to implement the ministerial reshuffle, he needs a parliamentary vote, and this cannot be guaranteed amid the division of the framework.”[/size]
[size=45]Officially, the State Administration Alliance, which includes all the winning forces in Parliament, including the “Framework,” says that it has authorized the Sudanese to make any amendment.[/size]
[size=45]Meanwhile, Ihsan Al-Shammari, professor of strategic and international studies at the University of Baghdad, points out the success of “only 3 ministers” in a cabinet containing more than 20 ministers.[/size]
[size=45]Therefore, in an interview with Al-Mada, Al-Shammari ruled out that Al-Sudani backed away from the government amendment “because the ministers’ performance improved” during the evaluation period that was announced late last year.[/size]
[size=45]The Shiite framework had previously leaked the names of ministers nominated for replacement, and others threatened to be dismissed, such as Communications Minister Hiam Al-Yasiri.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari, head of the Center for Political Thinking, believes that the Prime Minister “decided to postpone the ministerial reshuffle due to the presence of a ruling political will within the coordination framework to reject the procedure.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari points out that leaders close to Al-Maliki revealed the rejection of the amendment within the “framework,” especially since the government was formed according to “partisan quotas, and everyone is not prepared for vibrations in the consensus.”[/size]
[size=45]Also, according to what Al-Shammari says, the Sudanese does not seem ready now to open fronts against him, especially with the presence of dissatisfaction in the street over the lack of services, the collapse of the value of the dinar, and the approaching local elections.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari confirms that “the Prime Minister no longer wants a government amendment, and he recently rejected the resignation of 3 ministers from the Taqadum Party.” The framework is the one who gives the green light for this measure, not the Sudanese.”[/size]
[size=45]Meanwhile, Al-Sudani passed a number of amendments to sensitive government and security positions without objections from any political party.[/size]
[size=45]The sources say that “everyone was satisfied with quotas, and those who objected were settled by closing files or threatening to open other files.”[/size]
[size=45]The day before yesterday, the Council of Ministers approved the dismissal and rotation of (12) general directors, and before that, Abdul Wahab Al-Saadi, the head of the fight against terrorism, was removed.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari says, “All changes are made according to quota standards, which means that everything that is happening has political dimensions.”[/size]
[size=45]Al-Shammari mentions that the Shiite framework recognized from the beginning that the government is the “government of the state administration coalition,” and that positions except ministers are distributed according to quotas, and therefore the coalition formed a committee to share positions.[/size]
[size=45]It seems that the one who was not taken into account in this inventory of positions is the Sadrist movement, as circles in the movement led by Muqtada al-Sadr say that “about 60 positions have been robbed so far, far from the media.”[/size]
[size=45]According to a leader in the movement who spoke to Al-Mada, the political positions held by the movement do not exceed “110 or 115 positions, which is equivalent to less than 6% of the special grades.”[/size]
[size=45]This contradicts the narrative put forward by the coordination framework, which claims that Al-Sadr has controlled 60% of those jobs in the past three years.[/size]
[size=45][You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
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