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[size=36]Report: Abdul Mahdi's options limited to the forefront demands to dismiss his government[/size]
Political | 09:10 - 13/10/2019
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BAGHDAD -
At the height of the crisis of public anger in Shiite circles, the date of the 40th visit to Karbala, which he undertakes as a religious duty, has come to millions of Shiites annually. The protesters have only temporarily turned to calm, and the motives are to complete the rituals of the visit, which is usually organized on foot, which takes time, as well as giving the government a last chance to reschedule, albeit limited, options to deal with their seemingly impossible demands, The formula of "bulldozer and driver" in his tweet was addressed by Kurdish Housing and Reconstruction Minister Pankin Rikani.
However, two setbacks confronted Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi and his government, and the ink of his pledges has not yet dried up, as did the blood of thousands of people killed and injured by video clips after the lifting of the Internet blockage, which fell victim to peaceful and constitutionally guaranteed demonstrations, within a week.
The first setback is the return of the political blocs representing parliament to the quota base immediately after the demonstrations, when Abdul Mahdi reshuffled a limited ministerial in order to absorb the anger of the street, sure that the parliament will ratify it immediately, for fear of the street and not necessarily convinced amendment.
Only two ministers passed, one of the health minister, an alternative to a compulsory resignation minister, who was classified as one of the most competent government ministers, and the other one of a year-delayed minister of education. The rest of the three blocs refused to give them confidence, because they are not from their blocs or parties. This increased the anger of the people, and began to accuse the political class of various charges, most notably that it can not be reformed, and therefore must be dismissed, and early elections.
The second setback for Abdul Mahdi's limited options is the resolute stance of Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the Shiite supreme leader, who has completely aligned himself with the protesters, and has almost withdrawn the cover from the government, which he has been giving, including previous governments for 16 years, the lifetime of the current political system. starting in 2003.
this is not only, but that Sistani carry the government responsible for the suppression of the demonstrators, and called on the disclosure of those involved within two weeks, a task that will not be appreciated by the current system , which each party which knows who is the other party, if he was involved with corruption or murder without That dare tip to reveal as well Accounting for a party.
In this context, calls appeared again for the dismissal of Abdul-Mahdi and his government and the start of early elections, a call made earlier by the leader of the Sadrist movement Muqtada al-Sadr. Although Sadr suspended the work of the 54-member Sairoun bloc in protest at the government's crackdown on protesters, his call began to interact largely in various political and elite circles with a handful of parliamentary blocs that chose the path of opposition, the wisdom of Ammar al-Hakim, or on its way. To take this route, like victory by former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.
Sunni Arabs and Kurds whose cities and provinces have not risen with the Shiite cities and provinces against a government led mostly by the Shiites themselves remain.
The Kurds and Sunnis are no better options than the Shiites as a political class, but the difference between them is the nature of their region's management; the Kurds have autonomy that brings them near-independence from the center, and are therefore supportive of Abdul-Mahdi, who sees him as their friend and ally who cannot be abandoned in times of hardship. It is true that the second deputy speaker of parliament, Bashir Haddad, a Kurd belonging to the KDP, hinted at the possibility of his resignation, after he saw what he saw as unacceptable repression, but all Kurdish blocs believe that the government and its president should be given a chance for reform.
Minister of Housing and Reconstruction Benkien Rikani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in the federal government went further, when he wrote a tweet describing the reality of the situation, saying that "the political blocs handed the government a bulldozer unemployed and demanding that the country by the condition of non-reform."
Minister Ricani adds that when people complain about poor performance, the blocks tell you that "the bulldozer driver does nothing." As a solution to the bulldozer crisis and political blocs, the minister proposes "either reform the bulldozer or leave the government to repair it."
For his part, Hussein Allawi, a professor of national security and head of the Center for Strategic Studies for the "Middle East", that "the government solutions have a very difficult road, as it faces the demands of the Iraqi national youth community with distinction, which is a major challenge now in the implementation of reform packages" .
Allawi added that "the challenge that the government will face between the financial capabilities and the implementation hours of the reform programs in the government and the will of the Iraqi political forces is a big point of action, and needs to be explicit and ability in political influence, and political engagement must be clear and explicit at the same time."
He explained that "the problem is that everyone now wants to stay away from the government and do not embrace it, and therefore, Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi, who does not have a difficult task, and has only to change the government administration, which he inherited from a political system suffering from the problem of trust between the citizen and the authorities Government. "
On the call for early elections, Allawi stressed that "talk now on this subject will become clear only after 15 days, which is the deadline of the supreme authority in Najaf for the Iraqi government to investigate the demonstrations and what happened."
At the height of the crisis of public anger in Shiite circles, the date of the 40th visit to Karbala, which he undertakes as a religious duty, has come to millions of Shiites annually. The protesters have only temporarily turned to calm, and the motives are to complete the rituals of the visit, which is usually organized on foot, which takes time, as well as giving the government a last chance to reschedule, albeit limited, options to deal with their seemingly impossible demands, The formula of "bulldozer and driver" in his tweet was addressed by Kurdish Housing and Reconstruction Minister Pankin Rikani.
However, two setbacks confronted Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi and his government, and the ink of his pledges has not yet dried up, as did the blood of thousands of people killed and injured by video clips after the lifting of the Internet blockage, which fell victim to peaceful and constitutionally guaranteed demonstrations, within a week.
The first setback is the return of the political blocs representing parliament to the quota base immediately after the demonstrations, when Abdul Mahdi reshuffled a limited ministerial in order to absorb the anger of the street, sure that the parliament will ratify it immediately, for fear of the street and not necessarily convinced amendment.
Only two ministers passed, one of the health minister, an alternative to a compulsory resignation minister, who was classified as one of the most competent government ministers, and the other one of a year-delayed minister of education. The rest of the three blocs refused to give them confidence, because they are not from their blocs or parties. This increased the anger of the people, and began to accuse the political class of various charges, most notably that it can not be reformed, and therefore must be dismissed, and early elections.
The second setback for Abdul Mahdi's limited options is the resolute stance of Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the Shiite supreme leader, who has completely aligned himself with the protesters, and has almost withdrawn the cover from the government, which he has been giving, including previous governments for 16 years, the lifetime of the current political system. starting in 2003.
this is not only, but that Sistani carry the government responsible for the suppression of the demonstrators, and called on the disclosure of those involved within two weeks, a task that will not be appreciated by the current system , which each party which knows who is the other party, if he was involved with corruption or murder without That dare tip to reveal as well Accounting for a party.
In this context, calls appeared again for the dismissal of Abdul-Mahdi and his government and the start of early elections, a call made earlier by the leader of the Sadrist movement Muqtada al-Sadr. Although Sadr suspended the work of the 54-member Sairoun bloc in protest at the government's crackdown on protesters, his call began to interact largely in various political and elite circles with a handful of parliamentary blocs that chose the path of opposition, the wisdom of Ammar al-Hakim, or on its way. To take this route, like victory by former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.
Sunni Arabs and Kurds whose cities and provinces have not risen with the Shiite cities and provinces against a government led mostly by the Shiites themselves remain.
The Kurds and Sunnis are no better options than the Shiites as a political class, but the difference between them is the nature of their region's management; the Kurds have autonomy that brings them near-independence from the center, and are therefore supportive of Abdul-Mahdi, who sees him as their friend and ally who cannot be abandoned in times of hardship. It is true that the second deputy speaker of parliament, Bashir Haddad, a Kurd belonging to the KDP, hinted at the possibility of his resignation, after he saw what he saw as unacceptable repression, but all Kurdish blocs believe that the government and its president should be given a chance for reform.
Minister of Housing and Reconstruction Benkien Rikani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in the federal government went further, when he wrote a tweet describing the reality of the situation, saying that "the political blocs handed the government a bulldozer unemployed and demanding that the country by the condition of non-reform."
Minister Ricani adds that when people complain about poor performance, the blocks tell you that "the bulldozer driver does nothing." As a solution to the bulldozer crisis and political blocs, the minister proposes "either reform the bulldozer or leave the government to repair it."
For his part, Hussein Allawi, a professor of national security and head of the Center for Strategic Studies for the "Middle East", that "the government solutions have a very difficult road, as it faces the demands of the Iraqi national youth community with distinction, which is a major challenge now in the implementation of reform packages" .
Allawi added that "the challenge that the government will face between the financial capabilities and the implementation hours of the reform programs in the government and the will of the Iraqi political forces is a big point of action, and needs to be explicit and ability in political influence, and political engagement must be clear and explicit at the same time."
He explained that "the problem is that everyone now wants to stay away from the government and do not embrace it, and therefore, Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi, who does not have a difficult task, and has only to change the government administration, which he inherited from a political system suffering from the problem of trust between the citizen and the authorities Government. "
On the call for early elections, Allawi stressed that "talk now on this subject will become clear only after 15 days, which is the deadline of the supreme authority in Najaf for the Iraqi government to investigate the demonstrations and what happened."
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