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He explained that this "not only demonstrated the ability and willingness of the Saudi and Emirati leadership to press for their regional interests without support from their Western partners, but also to try to force Qatar to follow their example or at least prevent it from following a course of action. They considered it hostile to them."
The institute believes that this could be the basis for a long-awaited project and was specifically defended by Iranian policymaker and researcher Syed Hossein Mousavian: Gulf Cooperation Council + 2 (the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council plus Iran and Iraq).
But the institute goes back to saying that institutionalizing such a forum seems far-fetched, except that the recent doubling of contacts between the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and both Iraq and Iran indicates that it could be open to everyone at least at the same table in the near future.
He notes that regional security initiatives could build on previous cooperation efforts, such as signing an intelligence-sharing agreement in 2004 or launching "enhanced security patrols" in the Gulf in 2019.
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The Institute for Studies of the "Arab Gulf States in Washington" published a report stating that the Gulf Cooperation Council countries have become more "open" and closer now, after the reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and its allies on one side and Qatar on the other side, to establish a regional security system that includes Iraq and Iran, after they have not The idea that was established decades ago to confront the danger emanating from Saddam Hussein's regime, and the Iranian regime as well, is a success.
The institute said in its report, which was reviewed by IQ NEWS , that the Gulf Cooperation Council was in a state of chaos two months ago to the point that it does not seem that the fortieth anniversary of its founding will give it much to celebrate, as the boycott of Qatar was extended by fellow members Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain to more From three years.
With the arrival of the first anniversary of the crisis, before its end this year, Christian Coates Ulrichsen, a research fellow at the Baker Institute for Studies, considered that the inability of the Gulf Cooperation Council to prevent the outbreak of such a crisis among its members was an apparent institutional failure (one among many reasons ).
A year later, Imad Harb wrote that boycotting Qatar "killed" the territorial entity.
However, the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington says, "After the signing of the Al-Ula agreement in January to end the boycott, the GCC states may prove once again that they are the phoenix that is constantly rising from its ashes."
He explains that the rapprochement came amid a necessary shift in prioritizing threats to a more human-based approach evidenced by the coronavirus pandemic and with the new US administration adopting a more comprehensive approach in the Gulf region.
In this context, he adds, the Gulf states may finally be more open to establishing a successful regional security system - an endeavor that has taken decades to make, and roughly since the inception of the Gulf Cooperation Council itself.
He noted that the Gulf Cooperation Council was created in 1981 to counterbalance perceived threats from Iraq and Iran. However, it has never become a true regional security system.
Despite the original plans for military cooperation, including the establishment of the Military Committee, which first met in September 1981, and the creation of the Joint Strike Force of the Peninsula Shield in 1984, there was little progress in the GCC states' collective defense capabilities in the 1980s.
In 1990-1991, the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait asserted that regional protection must come from external partners rather than members of the Gulf Cooperation Council - hindering prospects for regional security integration, the institute sees
He pointed out that, however, the regional entity survived, and the Gulf Cooperation Council launched initiatives to integrate parts of the defense systems of its members but without much success. In 2001, then Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdulaziz of Saudi Arabia criticized the Gulf Cooperation Council states for such slow progress: "We have not yet established a unified military force that deters enemies and supports friends."
The institute said this arose largely from differing threat perceptions among members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, particularly when it comes to countries on the other side of the Gulf (mostly Iran, but also Iraq).
By the end of the 1990s, it was already clear that the GCC countries did not constitute a security society. Michael Barnett and F. Gregory Goss III assessed that the territorial entity's trajectory was instead more consistent with the formation of the coalition: “It was formed in response to specific security threats, and their persistence as those threats persist. And diminish as those threats recede.”
According to Mehran Kamrava, head of the Iranian Studies Unit, at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, and a professor, one of the most important changes brought about by the Arab uprisings was "the reassertion of Saudi leadership within the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council when Qatar and the United Arab Emirates continually challenged Saudi supremacy within the Arabian Peninsula." .
Not only did the three Gulf states return to defending their specific interests and strategic visions for the Greater Middle East and North Africa, but amid the deficit of traditional power (due to the turmoil in Egypt and Syria) that opened up new opportunities to assert themselves, they began to work more in intersecting purposes, according to the Institute. Studies of the Arab Gulf States in Washington.
He added that the events that Egypt witnessed in the summer of 2013 marked a turning point in the reorganization of regional power dynamics, and after the overthrow of President Mohamed Morsi and the subsequent suppression of the opposition, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi rushed firmly into massive aid to the Abdel Fattah political regime to balance the financial aid that Qatar provided to the previous government.He explained that this "not only demonstrated the ability and willingness of the Saudi and Emirati leadership to press for their regional interests without support from their Western partners, but also to try to force Qatar to follow their example or at least prevent it from following a course of action. They considered it hostile to them."
He indicated that "the Saudi and Emirati ambition to curb what was seen as a Qatari adventure in the region was manifested in the Gulf crisis that began in June 2017, whose roots were already present in the dispute between the Gulf Cooperation Council states in 2014."
He pointed out that "the inability of the regional entity to mediate between its members and prevent the outbreak of such a crisis in fact, has prompted many observers to suggest that this may be the last straw, with relations between the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council severed until after the reform."
However, a number of events have emerged over the past few years as signs that positive change may be possible, not only between the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council but also across the two banks of the Gulf. The Corona pandemic has prompted the GCC countries to find a way to return to each other and search for collective solutions. Moreover, Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE extended their hand to Iran by providing humanitarian assistance, which contributed to easing tensions across the Gulf.
And he continued, against this background, the new US administration can also encourage a reduction in tensions in the region.
For example, many saw the signing of the Al-Ula agreement nearly two weeks before the end of President Donald J. Trump's term as "an effort to improve relations with the new Biden administration in Washington."
The arrival of President Joseph Biden Jr.'s administration could also help bolster the rapprochement across the Gulf that regional experts called for in 2019, the institute says.
He believed that with a new president in the White House and the reform of relations within the Gulf Cooperation Council states, they could resume their course - with the help of the continuous good relations between Tehran and Muscat and the more pragmatic relations that have developed between Tehran and Doha amid the Gulf crisis, says the Institute for Gulf Studies.
"Today, the shores of the Gulf could be ripe for serious talks on regional issues and the creation of a regional security system that works - under the auspices of their partners in the United States and Europe," the institute says.
European leader Cornelius Adibahr was quoted as saying that "the key to easing tensions is to bring all parties to the negotiating table to express their concerns and agree on reciprocal measures" that could be supported by European allies.The institute believes that this could be the basis for a long-awaited project and was specifically defended by Iranian policymaker and researcher Syed Hossein Mousavian: Gulf Cooperation Council + 2 (the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council plus Iran and Iraq).
But the institute goes back to saying that institutionalizing such a forum seems far-fetched, except that the recent doubling of contacts between the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and both Iraq and Iran indicates that it could be open to everyone at least at the same table in the near future.
He notes that regional security initiatives could build on previous cooperation efforts, such as signing an intelligence-sharing agreement in 2004 or launching "enhanced security patrols" in the Gulf in 2019.
He adds, "In general, while a general discussion of Gulf security cooperation ideas has begun, there are still many details that must be resolved and obstacles to be overcome, especially given that the perceived threat posed by Iran was the real reason behind the formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council 40 years ago." General ".
"There is also reason for hope," the institute says, as "many statements issued by officials of the Gulf Cooperation Council states indicate this, from the words of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on Saudi television," We seek to establish good relations with Iran "to a minister The Qatari Foreign Ministry, Mohammed bin Abdul Rahman Al Thani, said that the Gulf Cooperation Council countries need to "sit down with Iran, and agree on regional coordination between us to address the concerns of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries and any concerns Iran has as well."
"They may now be willing to accept and assist in the establishment of a multi-polar Gulf region that would derive its stability and importance from the existence of separate centers of power between the Arab Gulf states, Iraq and Iran," concludes the "Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington."
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