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[size=52]The "October Principles" document calls on the Iraqi components to unite to save the country[/size]
[size=45]The Central Demonstrations Committee rejected the “framework” government[/size]
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Demonstrators clash with security forces during a march to mark the third anniversary of the Tishreen protests in Baghdad, October 1 (Reuters)
Baghdad: Fadel Al-Nashmi
[size=45]Despite the differences that exist between the trends represented and close to the “October protest movement,” most of these trends converge when condemning the existing political system, accusing it of corruption and sectarianism, and stressing the need to bring about a radical change in it. Yesterday, on two parallel tracks, two positions on the movement's groups were issued, coinciding with the third anniversary of the start of the protests on October 25, 2019, and lasted for more than a year, during which more than 700 people were killed and more than 20,000 demonstrators were injured.
In the first track, October figures and coordinators issued what they called the "October Principles Document", and considered that the country could not advance with the presence of extremist sectarian and nationalist parties in power. In the second, the "Central Elections Committee" held a press conference in which it announced its complete rejection of the "coordinating framework" government. To be formed, headed by its candidate, Muhammad Shiaa Al-Sudani, who is charged with forming the government.
And between these two tracks, there are other trends, some of which call for the revival of the third anniversary with greater momentum, and there are those who reject this under the pretext of missing the opportunity for the influential parties to invest in this in settling their disputes with the rest of the competing parties.
According to the “Tishreen Principles Document” that was issued, it “summarizes our general principles for a comprehensive change from a state of corruption, political weapons, sectarianism, racism and marginalization to a state of security, citizenship, democracy, justice and prosperity,” according to the signatories to it, who stressed the need for all the people to unite from the Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Syriacs and Yazidis. And the Mandaeans to save the country according to the principles they set out in their document.
It seems that the signatories to the document decided to start with the phrase that "the person who is greater than Iraq does not exist, and will not exist." In an implicit response to the common “sacrifice” label applied by political groups and interest networks to everyone involved in the political field in recent years.
In the second item of the document, it was stated that “Iraq is not for sale, occupation, state control, and conflicts in all their forms. It is the homeland of sovereignty, peace, life, dignity, and equal international relations.”
The signatories saw the impossibility for Iraq to have a list of extremist sectarian and nationalist parties in power. Its existence is a disruption of the idea of the homeland, and it is impossible, under its rule, to establish an inclusive identity for Iraqis. There is no state, stability, or prosperity without secure political action. The political parties and forces must be disarmed, the security institutions must be rid of the control of politicians, and the militias and mafias must be ended.”
The document touched on corruption and the need for a free and strong public prosecution, as well as its rejection of "quotas democracy, the rule of sects, and the politicization of religious, sectarian and national identities."
The signatories demanded “a clear constitution, a guarantor of stability, and the permanent ability to amend it, a state of citizenship, institutions, freedoms, social justice and minority rights, a just democracy, not a state of patriarchy imposed on the people, and we want a society that respects different beliefs.”
The document stated that “terrorism and corruption each stem from the other. Corruption must be confronted, as must terrorism. Those who face corruption must be protected, and those who face terrorism must be protected.”
In addition to the document’s reference to all aspects of the imbalance in Iraq, including the economic, educational and service aspects, it stated that “there is no justice in Iraq unless the perpetrators of political and terrorist crimes, and those who stand behind them before and after 2003 until now and in the future, are uncovered and held accountable, foremost among which are the assassinations of activists and the killing of demonstrators.” and their disappearance.”
The signatories concluded their document by saying that "the state that is more important to any Iraqi than Iraq does not exist, and will not exist." In reference to the declared external loyalties of most of the parties and forces of power.
On the second track, the statement of the Central Committee for Demonstrations affirmed “the refusal to form a consensual framework government with the quota approach and the division of spoils, and demanded the departure of the politicians of corruption, murder and theft, to demand the formation of a national salvation government of elites and competencies, changing the constitution and setting a date for new elections.”
The committee directed sharp criticism to some independent representatives who preferred an alliance with the "coordinating framework" forces.
It deplored what it described as "international and regional support for the formation of a framework government based on quotas."
The "Demonstrations Committee" waved to "continue the protest, and set October 25 as the date for mass demonstrations in all governorates."
Despite the support that the “Tishreen Principles Document” obtained from not a few trends in the “Movement”, observations and objections from other directions were recorded, and the activist and one of the actors in writing its provisions, the academic Faris Haram, responded to it, saying that “it is not possible to reach a text A final that satisfies everyone. The important thing is that the youth who accomplished it awakened in the hearts the importance of having (Tishreen) a document that represents its principles, which is in a way (the protest constitution).
Haram considered that “it is natural that some people do not interact with it out of inspiration (the thing that no one shares with me in advance, I do not care). Because it is already targeting their crimes and their method of political action.”
Haram believes that the document “will one day be measured by its historical location.”
In view of the state of scrambling against the ministries and official state institutions in the current government, and the widespread talk of obscene buying and selling of ministerial positions, many observers expect the country to witness a harsh winter for the political class, through the launch of a wave of demonstrations and widespread protests.[/size]
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[size=52]The "October Principles" document calls on the Iraqi components to unite to save the country[/size]
[size=45]The Central Demonstrations Committee rejected the “framework” government[/size]
[size=45][You must be registered and logged in to see this image.][/size]
Demonstrators clash with security forces during a march to mark the third anniversary of the Tishreen protests in Baghdad, October 1 (Reuters)
Baghdad: Fadel Al-Nashmi
[size=45]Despite the differences that exist between the trends represented and close to the “October protest movement,” most of these trends converge when condemning the existing political system, accusing it of corruption and sectarianism, and stressing the need to bring about a radical change in it. Yesterday, on two parallel tracks, two positions on the movement's groups were issued, coinciding with the third anniversary of the start of the protests on October 25, 2019, and lasted for more than a year, during which more than 700 people were killed and more than 20,000 demonstrators were injured.
In the first track, October figures and coordinators issued what they called the "October Principles Document", and considered that the country could not advance with the presence of extremist sectarian and nationalist parties in power. In the second, the "Central Elections Committee" held a press conference in which it announced its complete rejection of the "coordinating framework" government. To be formed, headed by its candidate, Muhammad Shiaa Al-Sudani, who is charged with forming the government.
And between these two tracks, there are other trends, some of which call for the revival of the third anniversary with greater momentum, and there are those who reject this under the pretext of missing the opportunity for the influential parties to invest in this in settling their disputes with the rest of the competing parties.
According to the “Tishreen Principles Document” that was issued, it “summarizes our general principles for a comprehensive change from a state of corruption, political weapons, sectarianism, racism and marginalization to a state of security, citizenship, democracy, justice and prosperity,” according to the signatories to it, who stressed the need for all the people to unite from the Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Syriacs and Yazidis. And the Mandaeans to save the country according to the principles they set out in their document.
It seems that the signatories to the document decided to start with the phrase that "the person who is greater than Iraq does not exist, and will not exist." In an implicit response to the common “sacrifice” label applied by political groups and interest networks to everyone involved in the political field in recent years.
In the second item of the document, it was stated that “Iraq is not for sale, occupation, state control, and conflicts in all their forms. It is the homeland of sovereignty, peace, life, dignity, and equal international relations.”
The signatories saw the impossibility for Iraq to have a list of extremist sectarian and nationalist parties in power. Its existence is a disruption of the idea of the homeland, and it is impossible, under its rule, to establish an inclusive identity for Iraqis. There is no state, stability, or prosperity without secure political action. The political parties and forces must be disarmed, the security institutions must be rid of the control of politicians, and the militias and mafias must be ended.”
The document touched on corruption and the need for a free and strong public prosecution, as well as its rejection of "quotas democracy, the rule of sects, and the politicization of religious, sectarian and national identities."
The signatories demanded “a clear constitution, a guarantor of stability, and the permanent ability to amend it, a state of citizenship, institutions, freedoms, social justice and minority rights, a just democracy, not a state of patriarchy imposed on the people, and we want a society that respects different beliefs.”
The document stated that “terrorism and corruption each stem from the other. Corruption must be confronted, as must terrorism. Those who face corruption must be protected, and those who face terrorism must be protected.”
In addition to the document’s reference to all aspects of the imbalance in Iraq, including the economic, educational and service aspects, it stated that “there is no justice in Iraq unless the perpetrators of political and terrorist crimes, and those who stand behind them before and after 2003 until now and in the future, are uncovered and held accountable, foremost among which are the assassinations of activists and the killing of demonstrators.” and their disappearance.”
The signatories concluded their document by saying that "the state that is more important to any Iraqi than Iraq does not exist, and will not exist." In reference to the declared external loyalties of most of the parties and forces of power.
On the second track, the statement of the Central Committee for Demonstrations affirmed “the refusal to form a consensual framework government with the quota approach and the division of spoils, and demanded the departure of the politicians of corruption, murder and theft, to demand the formation of a national salvation government of elites and competencies, changing the constitution and setting a date for new elections.”
The committee directed sharp criticism to some independent representatives who preferred an alliance with the "coordinating framework" forces.
It deplored what it described as "international and regional support for the formation of a framework government based on quotas."
The "Demonstrations Committee" waved to "continue the protest, and set October 25 as the date for mass demonstrations in all governorates."
Despite the support that the “Tishreen Principles Document” obtained from not a few trends in the “Movement”, observations and objections from other directions were recorded, and the activist and one of the actors in writing its provisions, the academic Faris Haram, responded to it, saying that “it is not possible to reach a text A final that satisfies everyone. The important thing is that the youth who accomplished it awakened in the hearts the importance of having (Tishreen) a document that represents its principles, which is in a way (the protest constitution).
Haram considered that “it is natural that some people do not interact with it out of inspiration (the thing that no one shares with me in advance, I do not care). Because it is already targeting their crimes and their method of political action.”
Haram believes that the document “will one day be measured by its historical location.”
In view of the state of scrambling against the ministries and official state institutions in the current government, and the widespread talk of obscene buying and selling of ministerial positions, many observers expect the country to witness a harsh winter for the political class, through the launch of a wave of demonstrations and widespread protests.[/size]
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