Settlement of differences between the political blocs the most important challenges of the next phase in Iraq
Translation: Range
Ignoring priorities that have popular support in Iraq may undermine attempts to build the country's stability after a push and have repercussions at the regional level. At a time when the group has been defeated in Iraq and its defeat is looming in Syria, attention has shifted to post-conflict settlements. The most important question remains how will the diverse political forces deal with the deep divisions that have emerged from the emergence of a da'eef?
Certainly, nation-building will be a prelude to negotiations between political elites, most of whom rely on their legitimacy in sectarian identity, but the long-term stability of any settlement depends largely on their ability to meet popular priorities and non-sectarian national interests. However, recent public opinion polls show that these priorities are not always identified by identity, as is often assumed, but often shared by communities.
For example, data indicate that in vital areas such as security, citizens, regardless of their religious or ethnic identity, want stability, jobs and decent services and an end to corruption. The establishment of domestic policy in Iraq or foreign policy on the presumptions of identity is likely to lose the demands and popular priorities.
According to a survey of Arab transformations conducted prior to the fall of Mosul, Iraqis saw domestic security and economy as the biggest challenges facing the country, followed by corruption. The broader analysis of the data indicates that concern about the security situation was common during the sectarian divide and its rate is higher in the middle than the rest of the regions. It also indicates that the Sunnis are more concerned about Shiites than about the totalitarianism, although many in all regions are concerned about corruption Internal security and the economic situation are more concerned than the fact that tyranny is a major challenge in their country. But the extent of the impact of an occupation experiment on this concern is still unclear, especially in the areas occupied by the terrorist organization.
Although tackling corruption is politically sensitive and complex in practice, it is likely that promoting economic development generates great legitimacy for the federal government and the political forces it supports. Few social and political institutions enjoy great confidence in Iraq, yet the demand for a comprehensive representative government remains strong, providing opportunities for long-term stable solutions to the country's problems. Confidence in the central government varies widely on sectarian, regional, but low levels at the national level, with the highest proportion of Shiites in the central and southern regions compared to Sunnis in other regions. However, the low level of confidence in political leaders can not be translated into a lack of confidence in a comprehensive government.
It is clear that the Iraqis prefer a form of parliamentary rule in which all parties - religious and secular - participate from the right and the left - and that the majority of Sunnis in the center still favor such a system.
These data highlight the problems of the central regions but also show that despite the large and complex problems faced by Iraq and despite the difficulty of reaching a consensus through negotiations, a just and comprehensive political and economic settlement will be well received by different religions and regions in Iraq and Will improve the capacity for social, economic and political resilience.
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Translation: Range
Ignoring priorities that have popular support in Iraq may undermine attempts to build the country's stability after a push and have repercussions at the regional level. At a time when the group has been defeated in Iraq and its defeat is looming in Syria, attention has shifted to post-conflict settlements. The most important question remains how will the diverse political forces deal with the deep divisions that have emerged from the emergence of a da'eef?
Certainly, nation-building will be a prelude to negotiations between political elites, most of whom rely on their legitimacy in sectarian identity, but the long-term stability of any settlement depends largely on their ability to meet popular priorities and non-sectarian national interests. However, recent public opinion polls show that these priorities are not always identified by identity, as is often assumed, but often shared by communities.
For example, data indicate that in vital areas such as security, citizens, regardless of their religious or ethnic identity, want stability, jobs and decent services and an end to corruption. The establishment of domestic policy in Iraq or foreign policy on the presumptions of identity is likely to lose the demands and popular priorities.
According to a survey of Arab transformations conducted prior to the fall of Mosul, Iraqis saw domestic security and economy as the biggest challenges facing the country, followed by corruption. The broader analysis of the data indicates that concern about the security situation was common during the sectarian divide and its rate is higher in the middle than the rest of the regions. It also indicates that the Sunnis are more concerned about Shiites than about the totalitarianism, although many in all regions are concerned about corruption Internal security and the economic situation are more concerned than the fact that tyranny is a major challenge in their country. But the extent of the impact of an occupation experiment on this concern is still unclear, especially in the areas occupied by the terrorist organization.
Although tackling corruption is politically sensitive and complex in practice, it is likely that promoting economic development generates great legitimacy for the federal government and the political forces it supports. Few social and political institutions enjoy great confidence in Iraq, yet the demand for a comprehensive representative government remains strong, providing opportunities for long-term stable solutions to the country's problems. Confidence in the central government varies widely on sectarian, regional, but low levels at the national level, with the highest proportion of Shiites in the central and southern regions compared to Sunnis in other regions. However, the low level of confidence in political leaders can not be translated into a lack of confidence in a comprehensive government.
It is clear that the Iraqis prefer a form of parliamentary rule in which all parties - religious and secular - participate from the right and the left - and that the majority of Sunnis in the center still favor such a system.
These data highlight the problems of the central regions but also show that despite the large and complex problems faced by Iraq and despite the difficulty of reaching a consensus through negotiations, a just and comprehensive political and economic settlement will be well received by different religions and regions in Iraq and Will improve the capacity for social, economic and political resilience.
عن About:
[You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
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