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Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Welcome to the Neno's Place!

Neno's Place Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality


Neno

I can be reached by phone or text 8am-7pm cst 972-768-9772 or, once joining the board I can be reached by a (PM) Private Message.

Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

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Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

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    Analysis: The Kurds are the 'worst enemy' of themselves in Iraq and have lost their financial indepe

    Rocky
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    Analysis: The Kurds are the 'worst enemy' of themselves in Iraq and have lost their financial indepe Empty Analysis: The Kurds are the 'worst enemy' of themselves in Iraq and have lost their financial indepe

    Post by Rocky Sun 18 Jun 2023, 8:29 am

    [size=30]Analysis: The Kurds are the 'worst enemy' of themselves in Iraq and have lost their financial independence
    [ltr]2023.06.18 - 11:23[/ltr]
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    Baghdad - people  
    An analysis published by The Washington Institute stated that internal Kurdish divisions eventually helped the Shiite and Sunni factions weaken the financial independence of the Kurdistan region, and this effectively led to the subjugation of the regional government to federal authority, and ushered in a new era of relations between Erbil and Baghdad.  
      
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    The analysis followed by "NAS" on Sunday (June 18, 2023) indicated that in recent years the state of the historical struggle for power between the two ruling parties in Kurdistan has worsened, and the efforts made by Western diplomats, which aimed at encouraging the two parties to restore the functional relationship, only led to Temporary lull.  
      
    Here is the text of the analysis:  
    The Kurds were once referred to as the kingmakers, as one of the pillars of stability and the strongest force in the fight against the Islamic State. Now, they are paralyzed by fierce partisanship, tribal politics, and internal divisions.  
      
    After months of bargaining and bickering, Iraq's parliament approved a controversial three-year budget on June 12. The 2023 budget provides a record $153 billion to fund Iraq's growing public sector, development projects, and infrastructure. Although disagreements between Kurds and Arabs over the KRG's rights and budgetary obligations derailed parliament sessions for a few days, internal Kurdish divisions eventually helped the Shiite and Sunni factions weaken the KRG's financial autonomy. This effectively brought the Kurdistan Regional Government under federal authority and ushered in a new era in relations between Erbil and Baghdad.  
      
    The Kurdish role in post-2003 Iraq  
    Since 2003, the Kurdistan Region has gained a significant degree of autonomy and political influence within the country. In fact, the Kurds were active participants in the new political landscape in Iraq from the beginning, as they were heavily involved in drafting the new constitution and ultimately shaping Iraq's political system. They have held important positions in the federal government, and have participated in the negotiations for the establishment of various governments and their formations over the years. The symbolic position of the presidency in Iraq is reserved for the Kurds, according to customs.  
      
    On the military front, the Kurdish Peshmerga forces played an effective role in the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. With the advent of the Islamic State in 2014, the Peshmerga forces in effect gained territory and economic resources by extending their control over the oil-rich Kirkuk province, after the Iraqi federal forces abandoned their positions. The Peshmerga effectively expelled the Islamic State from Kirkuk, and later participated in attacks to drive the extremist group back. It was hailed as a fighting force on behalf of the world.  
      
    In addition to dealing with these political and military problems, the KRG has actively developed its economy over the past several years, attracting international capital and forming business alliances. It has significantly expanded its hydrocarbon sector, exporting 450,000 barrels of oil per day until March 2023. As a result, the Kurdish-controlled areas have been the most prosperous part of the country. Despite recent economic setbacks and the KRG's inability to pay civil servant salaries—in addition to the wealth disparity underlying the region's economic development—Kurdistan's poverty rate remains one of the lowest in all of Iraq.  
      
    Latent Kurdish divisions  
    The KRG appears to have all the characteristics of a sovereign state except for any formal international recognition. It even attempted to gain full sovereignty in 2017 by holding a controversial referendum on independence. However, this referendum led to great geographical, political and economic losses, and to the exacerbation of internal divisions hidden behind the apparent successes achieved by the Kurdistan Regional Government.  
      
    Politically, the historic struggle for power between the two ruling parties - the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan - has worsened in recent years. Efforts by Western diplomats, including US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Barbara A. Leaf, which aimed to encourage the two parties to restore the functional relationship, only a temporary calm. Once the Western guidance stops, the two parties will have a much sharper rift after each deal. This reality reveals a harsh truth, which is that internal Kurdish peace depends on firm and continuous foreign rebuke.  
      
    The irony is that the Kurds are adept at bringing together competing foreign powers, but terrible at dealing with their internal differences. For example, the president of the Kurdistan region, Nechirvan Barzani, is credited with mediating the phone call that took place between then-UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, which led to the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Although Barzani deserves credit for courting the Kurdish parties and going the extra mile to try to bridge the political gaps within Kurdistan, his initiatives have been hampered by a complete lack of trust stemming from the deeply individualistic nature of politics. This tribal politics is so bad that each party is hell-bent on bringing the other down, regardless of the consequences for Kurdistan.  
      
    As a result, internal divisions undermined Kurdistan's autonomy vis-a-vis the federal government. These inter-party disputes weakened the Kurdish collective bargaining power and hindered the Kurds' ability to present a united front in negotiations with the federal government. Internal divisions also led to a lack of coherence in decision-making, making it impossible for the autonomous region to be effective in defending its autonomy and asserting its needs within the budget. The Shiite parties in the Coordination Framework used such divisions to gain more control and influence over the region's financial resources, particularly in the newly approved Iraqi budget law.  
      
    The acquiescence of the Kurdish authority did not stop at the loss of the entire oil sector in Kurdistan. Every dollar Erbil receives is subject to strict federal scrutiny, and the authority of the president of the Kurdistan region over how the money is spent falls under the jurisdiction of the Iraqi federal government and the Federal Office of Supreme Audit. In response to the KDP's financial marginalization, the PUK faction in Baghdad worked hard to make the Iraqi prime minister an arbiter in the event of any intra-Kurdish struggle over funding. It remains to be seen whether the prime minister will use his legal right to interfere in internal Kurdish affairs.  
      
    The failure of the Kurdish parties to rise to the occasion has diverted focus and resources from governance and development, jeopardizing the region's ability to build strong institutions and to govern itself effectively. This failure has also undermined the KRG's credibility and standing at the national, regional, and international levels. Even during the budget debate, which was crucial to the region's own economic viability, the Kurdish parties failed to articulate a well-balanced policy. Her best strategy was a self-destructive overreaction. As a result, the Kurdistan region is weaker than ever, and its future is uncertain.  
      
    Moreover, the KRG institutions have lost their legitimacy not only in the eyes of the people, but also from a legal perspective, especially after the Iraqi Supreme Court ruled that extending the parliament's mandate in the Kurdistan region is unconstitutional. Hence, the Kurdistan Region now needs to hold elections to restore its public and legal legitimacy, which would help reset all political tensions and conflicts between Kurdish political parties.  
      
    While these new elections cannot guarantee national unity, they can provide a good opportunity to boost confidence, encourage dialogue, and increase citizen participation. It can also help promote a sense of unity and common purpose, provided it is fair and clean. For this to happen, a political settlement must be reached in Kurdistan through a new political agreement backed by the KRG's foreign sponsors. Yet reaching this settlement will require more US and European diplomatic engagement than ever before, despite their diplomatic fatigue. In the event of a Western diplomatic vacuum, China and other Western adversaries could seek to fill the gap. Hence, Washington should not allow Beijing to score another diplomatic win in the Middle East.  
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