[size=30]An American report urges the White House to take action on the "SACO" crisis in Iraq
[ltr]2023.07.29 - 10:19[/ltr]
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[ltr]2023.07.29 - 10:19[/ltr]
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Baghdad - Nas
A report by The Washington Institute stressed that the leader of an armed group backed by Iran and subject to US sanctions seeks to marginalize the Chaldean Patriarch in Iraq and to acquire Christian property worth billions of dollars.
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The report, which was followed by "NAS" (July 29, 2023), stated that the issue of withdrawing the decree from Cardinal Sacco has wide-ranging repercussions on US security interests in Iraq that go beyond the important goal of protecting Christian leaders. Accordingly, it is imperative that Washington act and urge Baghdad to act as well.
The following is the text of the report and proposals:
On July 12, Iraqi President Abd al-Latif Rashid withdrew “Decree No. 147,” the executive order issued in Baghdad in 2013 recognizing the appointment of Cardinal Louis Raphael Sako as Head (Patriarch) of the Chaldean Catholic Church “in Iraq and the world” and assigning him responsibility for “church endowments.” ". The next day, some reports indicated that the Karkh District Court issued an order summoning the patriarch for comments he made to the media about Rayan al-Kildani, the founder of the "50th Brigade" of the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces (also known as the "Babylon Brigades") One of the human rights violators listed on the US sanctions list. The patriarch then withdrew to a monastery in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, as previous Chaldean Christian leaders had forcibly done in times of persecution.
US Ambassador Alena Romanowski quickly objected to the government's actions, and she was recalled by Rashid's office over her criticism. The ambassador is taking a courageous stand against these ongoing abuses and the takeover of power by Iranian-backed militias, and she will need strong support from the White House, the US State Department and the US Congress. Al-Kaldani must not be allowed to continue to discredit and weaken the patriarch and establish himself as the leader of Iraq's Christians, a role that would put Christian endowments worth billions of dollars at his disposal.
Campaign to undermine tolerance between religions
Decree No. 147 is part of a long-standing symbolic tradition of interfaith tolerance in Iraq, with its roots dating back to the early Islamic era and continuing through the Ottoman Empire into modern times. In the past, the caliph in Baghdad would issue a decree granting each new patriarch temporary authority over the Christian population, allowing him to supervise personal affairs in accordance with church law, and tasking him with collecting tribute to the treasury as the caliph's representative. Similar edicts were issued to leaders of other religions and sects (eg, the Syriac Catholic Church, the Yezidis, and Sabean Mandaeans).
The withdrawal of the decree this month drew condemnations from various religions. The office of Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali al-Sistani, who is the supreme Shiite religious authority in Iraq, contacted Sacco on July 15 and expressed "dissatisfaction" with the way the cardinal was dealt with, while the Sunni-headed Association of Muslim Scholars in Baghdad opposed the move. taken against him. On July 22, five of Iraq's Chaldean-Syriac-Assyrian political parties took the unprecedented step of uniting on a single list in the upcoming elections, prompted in part by Chaldean's continued campaigning and Christian quota manipulation (see below). ).
Al-Kaldani has sought for some time to dominate the Christian community in Iraq, but many factors show that he cannot claim this position, namely:
The fake base of Christian voters. Although Chaldani controls four out of the five Christian quota seats in the National Assembly, his movement did not win these seats thanks to the support of the Christian community. According to the authors' close examination of electoral data going back to 2018 and 2021, his candidates received thousands of votes from Shia-majority governorates that have only small Christian communities due to displacement over decades.
Pattern of corruption and polarization of Christian leaders. After repeated overtures, al-Kaldani finally succeeded in convincing former Syriac Catholic Archbishop John Boutros Moshe to stop opposing the Babylon Brigades' plans to establish a power base in Hamdaniya district. As a result, the Nineveh Plain Protection Units, the last Christian militia regiment in Iraq, were recently forced to unite under the banner of the Babylon Brigades.
Siding with Iran and its proxies. Al-Kildani supports the narrative of the Iranian-backed militia, which is completely foreign to the Christian community in Iraq. He has always been close to senior figures on the US terrorist list, starting with the late Qassem Soleimani and Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis, and ending with the current militia leader, Qais Khazali. It also allowed militia forces to loot Christian monasteries in the Nineveh Plains, among other abuses.
Unsurprisingly, Chaldani and his supporters were completely rejected by Christian communities in Iraq and the world. In the Vatican, Pope Francis refused to guarantee an audience for himself and members of his circle (for example, Minister of Migration and Displacement Evan Faik Jabro). In 2017, the Patriarchate of Sako asserted that al-Kaldani "does not represent Christians in any way. His unfortunate statements aim to create abhorrent sectarian strife."
Chaldean seizure of vast tracts of land
Ultimately, al-Kildani aims to become the sole decision-maker regarding the endowments left behind by Iraqi Christians after two decades of persecution, killing, or forced flight from their homes. To this end, the Chaldean attempts to intimidate the seventy-five-year-old Sacco into exile and retirement so that he can win over his successor. While the political and security pillars of the Christian community have weakened, the church has become the only remaining Iraqi institution that can defend their interests.
The endowments in question are spread all over Iraq but are concentrated in Baghdad and Nineveh, and have a total value of billions (dollars). Of the two million Christians living in Iraq before the war in 2003, only 5-6 per cent remain, and widely varying reports have documented the illegal and ongoing confiscation of their land and other property. The Chaldani Department and the "Babylon Brigades" are the main party that forges documents in order to facilitate the sale of endowments in Baghdad. And when diaspora Christians try to legally claim what was stolen from them, militias often threaten their lawyers.
The implications for American politics
This case has far-reaching implications for US security interests in Iraq, beyond the important goal of protecting Christian leaders. Accordingly, it is imperative that Washington act and urge Baghdad to act as well. The following steps are most important in the near term:
Continue to appeal to President Rashid. Rashid withdrew "Decree No. 147" only one day after his meeting with Al-Kaldani. President Rashid is a longtime friend of the United States, and he will not be pleased to hear that Washington increasingly sees him and his party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, turning alarmingly toward Iran and its proxy militias and human rights abusers. Rasheed is clearly worried about damaging his reputation, as shown when he tried to downplay the withdrawal. Moreover, he did not withdraw similar ordinances protecting other religions and sects, confirming that this was a purposeful action in which the Chaldean gave the country's president instructions on what to do, a Chaldean of little institutional importance to the broader scope of the Iraqi national government. Rasheed cannot escape responsibility for this action; Washington should urge him to repair the damage.
Put an end to vote rigging related to quota seats for minorities. The United States should quietly encourage Iraqi leaders to ensure that election laws include a closed quota, in which only members of this community can vote for their allotted seats. For example, the Christian Endowment could issue special voting cards to prevent tampering with seats reserved for Christians. This case has wide national ramifications because al-Kildani and his Kurdish co-conspirators will likely attempt to dominate the Christian quota seats in the upcoming KRI parliamentary elections in late 2023 and early 2024, which could presage similar tactics in future federal elections.
Take advantage of the US report on religious freedom. When the US State Department prepares the International Religious Freedom Report later this year for release in May 2024, it should reflect whether the Iraqi government is adequately protecting its Christian community. And if Baghdad fails in this regard, the US Congress should adjust the foreign aid process accordingly.
Create a more stable base for minority religious authorities. The Iraqi Council of Representatives should be encouraged to formalize the authority of Christian religious leaders in the federal constitution, so that executive measures such as Decree No. 147 cannot be used as leverage against them. The Iraqi Ministry of Justice could quickly issue endowment deeds to the heads of all Iraqi churches to assure everyone that the state is not planning to take over their community's land or property.
Encouraging the Iraqi judiciary to take action regarding the legal cases brought against Al-Kildani. Chaldani refers the Patriarch to court, and the judiciary quickly handles the case. However, attempts to bring Chaldani to court over alleged defamatory comments he made about Sacco have not resulted in any action. This suggests that the head of the Supreme Judicial Council, Faiq Zaidan, and the broader judiciary serve the interests of the militias rather than the law. Washington should urge Zeidan to end this practice.
Investigating the wider Chaldani network. US sanctions authorities should take a closer look at the role played by the Chaldani Circle in facilitating militia abuses. Among those who should be particularly scrutinized are his son-in-law Nawfal Baha (who runs his operations in Qaraqosh) and three Chaldean blood brothers: Osama (commander of the "Babylon Brigades"), Aswan (a member of parliament), and Sarmad (former deputy minister of immigration).
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