Nouri al-Maliki: My memoirs will expose the treacherous after I die, and I will accept the prime min

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[size=52]Nouri al-Maliki: My memoirs will expose the treacherous after I die, and I will accept the prime ministership under duress[/size]

[size=45]The head of the State of Law coalition, Nouri al-Maliki, renewed his welcome for the meeting with the Sadrist movement and its return to the political process, while presenting his view on the shape of the election law if it were amended, expressing his dissatisfaction with the attribution of some controversial topics to it, such as early elections and the necessity of dismissing executive officials before the elections, pointing out He has no desire to assume the prime ministership, but if interest requires, he will accept under duress. He said that building bridges and hospitals is not enough for Prime Minister Muhammad Shia al-Sudani to obtain a second term. He also touched on the repercussions of forming Haider al-Abadi’s government, and said that he wrote down details in his memoirs that “will expose the treacherous.” At that stage, but he recommended that it not be published until after he died.[/size]
[size=45]Nouri al-Maliki, President of the State of Law, with journalist Samer Jawad:[/size]
[size=45]I welcome the meeting with the Sadrist movement. We may understand and deal, and we may agree or disagree on some issues, but no meeting was held under the title of the Sadrist movement and the rule of law. Rather, some brothers who could be in the common, moderate space explore positions sometimes with us or with others.[/size]
[size=45]There was a survey of our opinions about the early elections and the multiple constituencies, and this was a question, “What do you think?” It was apparently asked to others, and we answered that we support what the framework agrees upon, and we do not object if there is an agreement between the framework and all the political forces on early elections, even though the elections The early results will not produce better results than the existing results, and this has not been discussed in the framework yet.[/size]
[size=45]We do not have any decision yet regarding the early elections, the multiple constituencies, and the position of the executives in the elections.[/size]
[size=45]Whoever has an opinion, why is he not at the level of responsibility and saying this is my opinion? Why do they hold Al-Maliki accountable for all these issues? For example, the issue of the executives (the resignation of the executive official before participating in the elections). One of our brothers visited me at night and told me this issue is necessary. It was not me who brought it up, rather he He proposed it to me, but I did not reject it and said we would discuss it within the framework.[/size]
[size=45]Likewise, early elections and multiple constituencies also had a brother come to me and raise the issue, and the issue has become circulating among politicians, and until now there is great controversy in Parliament and among politicians, but they are not my ideas and I did not raise them.[/size]
[size=45]Early elections are included in the government’s program, and the multiple constituencies objected to it when it was proposed to me. I told them that in the previous experience the divisions were not good, and I said if you want multiple constituencies in the same way, no, by God, we will not accept it. They said we will fix it and reconsider. I said if you will fix it, it will be discussed. For example, let Baghdad be two districts, Karkh and Rusafa, Mosul to be left and right, and Basra to be the Shatt al-Arab and so on.. It is possible to shorten it without this large size or the wrong way of dividing it.[/size]
[size=45]The problem under which the idea of ​​(executive resignation) was proposed is that what happened in these elections became a process of exploiting the state’s capabilities in the governorates and elsewhere. In order for the process to be equal and open to everyone, and not a process of competition between one party that possesses all the state’s capabilities and another that possesses nothing, (it should If such a restriction occurs, whoever participates must resign.[/size]
[size=45]If there is no decision on this matter, we must think about how to reduce or prevent the phenomenon of monopolization of the state’s capabilities, for example, for executives to participate and pledge not to invest in the state’s capabilities, and there must be legislation for that.[/size]
[size=45]By God, the participation of the Sadrists in governance is a necessity, and the absence of any bloc that has a role on the ground weakens political action, and weakens the government in particular, and I welcome and hope that they participate in the political process.[/size]
[size=45](Al-Maliki's remarks on the Sudanese government): The situation in Iraq has not reached stability yet, and before security and before the economy, there must be political stability sponsored by the government, and the government must move to create this stability, but perhaps we give it an excuse because of the differences.[/size]
[size=45]The government has not yet achieved political consensus, but it is not the only one concerned with that.[/size]
[size=45](Does the Sudanese deserve a second term?) This depends on the elections and consensus (..) I won 103 seats and was unable to retain the position, and this happened with Al-Jaafari as well (..) and everything related to that stage I wrote down in my memoirs, which I will not publish, and I recommended To be published after my death, so that everyone knows what happened and who betrayed (..) As for building a bridge or a hospital, it is not enough for a person to deserve a second term. I also made achievements, but I did not get a second term.[/size]
[size=45]I do not want to be prime minister, and if I am forced and the interest demands it, I will accept her deception and not willingly, so let us give a chance to others.[/size]
[size=45]My words to the brothers in the region are, “Let us adopt the constitution and adhere to it.” I had a conversation with Masoud Barzani and I talked about that, and he told me that I do not want anything. Just treat us according to the constitutional context, and this is his right. I asked him about anything you have problems in dealing with, which paragraph of the constitution? One of the rights of the region was taken away. He said, “We will write it down for you.” (I said, “You are welcome. We are present and we are not defending any constitutional violation against the Kurdish, Sunni, Shiite, Turkmen, or Christian.” He said that we did not say we would withdraw, but we said that if things go according to this decision, there will be no elections.[/size]
[size=45]Our experience with federalism is recent and has many problems. It is not an easy system. It is a correct system and the world is mostly federal, but it has many challenges between the center and the region, and there are problems that take time to solve.[/size]
[size=45]Frankly, when we voted on the oil law, amendments came from the region in two or three paragraphs. In return, the Ministry of Oil amended as well, so it became an amendment for an amendment, and all of this went to Parliament on the basis that it would decide on the amendments, but there was no seriousness in the House of Representatives to legislate the oil and gas law.[/size]
[size=45]I do not want to talk about the circumstances of the Council at that time, but it was the Council that fell short, and it was the one that stopped following up on the legislation of the law.[/size]
[size=45](And about Jurf al-Sakhar?) The issue is security, and the region was dangerous even to Karbala, and it needs treatment, to ensure that the region does not return to that atmosphere until its people return, and it is possible that there was a direction that whoever did not commit and did not go with terrorism, can return to His area after documentation and identification, and whoever is involved in an act will be referred to the judiciary.[/size]
[size=45]Dialogue already exists (with Turkey regarding the strikes), but we did not reach a result due to the inability to cancel the presence of the Workers’ Party on Iraqi soil, and the presence of an organization like “Bakka” and the Iranian organizations present in Kurdistan. It is natural for these two countries to respond, and the harsh conditions that “Bakka” is experiencing. “In the high mountains, it makes our security forces and Peshmerga unable to control the security situation. From here comes the Iranian and Turkish role. Either you prevent the “Bakka” and expel them, or we use force to confront them.[/size]
[size=45]The framework played a role in calming the factions (so that they would not attack American bases), and I am part of the framework.[/size]
[size=45]As soon as the government formed a committee to engage in dialogue with the coalition to set a timetable for withdrawal, the factions said, “We will give it a chance and stop operations and wait for these dialogues. God willing, we will be able to set a timetable so that we do not return to using force.”[/size]
[size=45]I am in favor of restricting weapons to the state, because the presence of weapons in the hands of clans, organizations and formations will make the state the weak party, and (it is necessary) to find an understanding with those who carry weapons to convince them that this is of no benefit to them or to the state.[/size]
[size=45]The Sudanese government issue is the last chance for the Shiites. Who said that? There is no indication of this, opportunities remain and alliances between blocs and lists exist.[/size]
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