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[size=39]Iraq .. The Institutionalization of Chaos
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Iyad Amber
March 28, 2021
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Iyad Amber
March 28, 2021
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Greek and Roman philosophers have always criticized democracy in their theorizing of the historical cycles of government, and the focus of criticism has been based on the view that they ultimately lead to mob rule, and their opposition to rule leads to the rule of chaos. And then the options put forward to get rid of the state of chaos are thinking about returning to the option of dictatorial rule! Therefore, contemporary thinkers sought the necessity for democracy to be linked to institutions and the constitution, in order to overcome this crisis.
It seems that the one who rules Iraq chose democracy as the title of his political system, but he missed the rule of institutions and the constitution, because as a result he wants chaos to turn into a ruling system. It seems that we in Iraq now live in the rule of chaos, where we have all the political addresses and institutions that define the concept of the political system, but they are not the ones ruling! Yes, we have a constitution, but it has turned into a lick on the tongues of politicians in political debates. It is employed for protest between the political parties, and its clauses are not invoked, because political deals and agreements have the final say.
It has become very natural for Iraqis to sleep or wake up to news of the spread of chaos, and it is very natural to see the proliferation of military sectors with light and medium weapons wandering around the streets of Baghdad and other provinces! All the possibilities of chaos remain to be expected, but the constant scene remains the absence of the manifestations of the state and its institutions when the citizen needs to feel its presence in the areas of his daily life. Especially after the streets of Baghdad have turned into an arena for military parades by armed groups with different addresses. They have absolute freedom to choose the timing of the parade, and have banners with the explicit title: We are above the state.
There is no more chaos than a loss of compass in defining the criteria for patriotic attitudes that distinguish them from external loyalties. He who accuses his opponents of betrayal and labor, brags publicly during the day in defending the interests of the countries to which he owes allegiance and follows their agenda without being indifferent to the interest of the homeland.
And when the fateful decisions and stances of the country are monopolized by the will of the leaders of the political blocs, the will of the citizens, which they expressed through political participation in the elections, becomes an institution for the passage of political deals and agreements for the leaders to give confidence to governments and draft laws. In the end, institutionalization is absent and personalization is present and strongly in political decision-making and decision-making. Certainly, this reality will only be established to consolidate political norms that legitimize chaos and weaken the role of political institutions.
One of the most important features of the institutionalization of chaos in Iraq is the nature of the relationship between the federal government and the Kurdistan region. As the political differences regarding the approval of the federal budget and its repetition every year, is a revealing evidence of the institutionalization of chaos in the Iraqi political system! The region’s share of the budget, the problem of employees ’salaries and the export of the region’s oil are still intractable problems that cannot be solved through the provisions of the constitution. Rather, deals are awaiting between the federal government and the regional government on the one hand, and the political blocs on the other hand. Hence, we replaced the constitutional paragraphs that define the nature of the relationship between the Kurdistan region and the federal government with (the 2010 Erbil Agreement), the agreement of Adel Abdul Mahdi (who was Minister of Oil at the time) with the regional government in 2014, and the agreement that the government of Adel Abdul Mahdi concluded with the regional government that Fixed in the 2018 budget.
Also, when the political class and its leaders talk about corruption, its spread, and the existence of suspicious deals involving political and governmental parties and forces. But these hadiths are marketed through press interviews and media statements, and corruption files that are talked about are not referred to the judicial and supervisory institutions, with the result that corruption becomes the supreme ruler in a state that has no censorship and no accountability.
In a “state” the majority of the heads of important institutions in the political system are appointed under the title “agency”, and the criterion is the loyalty of those appointed to the prime minister, minister, or political party. Certainly, these institutions will not be managed towards achieving the public interest. Therefore, in light of the standard of loyalty in appointments to political and administrative positions, it is no longer surprising that these institutions are incapable of carrying out their functions in the service of public order or the citizen, as they serve the chaos that the ruling political oligarchies establish for them.
How can chaos not be prevalent in the political sphere, when those who dominate state institutions display their opposition to the government's decision, belittle it, or insult it with chaotic behaviors that are repeated with or without occasion. The paradox is when there are prosecutions and judicial arrests of those who criticize this chaos and attempts to insult the state, and those accused of carrying out kidnappings, assassinations, and trespassing on public and private property are overlooked!
The forces of non-state, which established an anarchic reality, when presenting themselves as superior to the state and its institutions, are fully aware that there is no one to confront them and stop their incursion. Its options for whoever becomes prime minister are based on the fact that he is a person who does not have the elements of leadership, so that it requires him to exclude any option to confront anyone who wants to weaken the state.
Chaos turns into a real catastrophe, when the government chooses silence or ridiculous naive justifications, and thus becomes a main pillar in stabilizing the chaos, as it withdraws from the public sphere and fails to perform its security functions. In doing so, it leaves the citizen in front of a direct confrontation with this chaotic reality in which he does not know who is with the state and who is against it, and as a result, he is forced to adapt and accept to live in the shadow of chaos.
A group of losers or obscure personalities with no political history and experience in governing have confronted power and government, and that might justify the chaos we are living in in Iraq. However, the accumulations of absurd policies and attitudes of negligence have become a very heavy legacy, which makes thinking about solutions to save the country a group of illusions, and refers us to a political imagination that awaits a miracle or external intervention that will return us to the first square of the experience of political transition.
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It seems that the one who rules Iraq chose democracy as the title of his political system, but he missed the rule of institutions and the constitution, because as a result he wants chaos to turn into a ruling system. It seems that we in Iraq now live in the rule of chaos, where we have all the political addresses and institutions that define the concept of the political system, but they are not the ones ruling! Yes, we have a constitution, but it has turned into a lick on the tongues of politicians in political debates. It is employed for protest between the political parties, and its clauses are not invoked, because political deals and agreements have the final say.
It has become very natural for Iraqis to sleep or wake up to news of the spread of chaos, and it is very natural to see the proliferation of military sectors with light and medium weapons wandering around the streets of Baghdad and other provinces! All the possibilities of chaos remain to be expected, but the constant scene remains the absence of the manifestations of the state and its institutions when the citizen needs to feel its presence in the areas of his daily life. Especially after the streets of Baghdad have turned into an arena for military parades by armed groups with different addresses. They have absolute freedom to choose the timing of the parade, and have banners with the explicit title: We are above the state.
There is no more chaos than a loss of compass in defining the criteria for patriotic attitudes that distinguish them from external loyalties. He who accuses his opponents of betrayal and labor, brags publicly during the day in defending the interests of the countries to which he owes allegiance and follows their agenda without being indifferent to the interest of the homeland.
And when the fateful decisions and stances of the country are monopolized by the will of the leaders of the political blocs, the will of the citizens, which they expressed through political participation in the elections, becomes an institution for the passage of political deals and agreements for the leaders to give confidence to governments and draft laws. In the end, institutionalization is absent and personalization is present and strongly in political decision-making and decision-making. Certainly, this reality will only be established to consolidate political norms that legitimize chaos and weaken the role of political institutions.
One of the most important features of the institutionalization of chaos in Iraq is the nature of the relationship between the federal government and the Kurdistan region. As the political differences regarding the approval of the federal budget and its repetition every year, is a revealing evidence of the institutionalization of chaos in the Iraqi political system! The region’s share of the budget, the problem of employees ’salaries and the export of the region’s oil are still intractable problems that cannot be solved through the provisions of the constitution. Rather, deals are awaiting between the federal government and the regional government on the one hand, and the political blocs on the other hand. Hence, we replaced the constitutional paragraphs that define the nature of the relationship between the Kurdistan region and the federal government with (the 2010 Erbil Agreement), the agreement of Adel Abdul Mahdi (who was Minister of Oil at the time) with the regional government in 2014, and the agreement that the government of Adel Abdul Mahdi concluded with the regional government that Fixed in the 2018 budget.
Also, when the political class and its leaders talk about corruption, its spread, and the existence of suspicious deals involving political and governmental parties and forces. But these hadiths are marketed through press interviews and media statements, and corruption files that are talked about are not referred to the judicial and supervisory institutions, with the result that corruption becomes the supreme ruler in a state that has no censorship and no accountability.
In a “state” the majority of the heads of important institutions in the political system are appointed under the title “agency”, and the criterion is the loyalty of those appointed to the prime minister, minister, or political party. Certainly, these institutions will not be managed towards achieving the public interest. Therefore, in light of the standard of loyalty in appointments to political and administrative positions, it is no longer surprising that these institutions are incapable of carrying out their functions in the service of public order or the citizen, as they serve the chaos that the ruling political oligarchies establish for them.
How can chaos not be prevalent in the political sphere, when those who dominate state institutions display their opposition to the government's decision, belittle it, or insult it with chaotic behaviors that are repeated with or without occasion. The paradox is when there are prosecutions and judicial arrests of those who criticize this chaos and attempts to insult the state, and those accused of carrying out kidnappings, assassinations, and trespassing on public and private property are overlooked!
The forces of non-state, which established an anarchic reality, when presenting themselves as superior to the state and its institutions, are fully aware that there is no one to confront them and stop their incursion. Its options for whoever becomes prime minister are based on the fact that he is a person who does not have the elements of leadership, so that it requires him to exclude any option to confront anyone who wants to weaken the state.
Chaos turns into a real catastrophe, when the government chooses silence or ridiculous naive justifications, and thus becomes a main pillar in stabilizing the chaos, as it withdraws from the public sphere and fails to perform its security functions. In doing so, it leaves the citizen in front of a direct confrontation with this chaotic reality in which he does not know who is with the state and who is against it, and as a result, he is forced to adapt and accept to live in the shadow of chaos.
A group of losers or obscure personalities with no political history and experience in governing have confronted power and government, and that might justify the chaos we are living in in Iraq. However, the accumulations of absurd policies and attitudes of negligence have become a very heavy legacy, which makes thinking about solutions to save the country a group of illusions, and refers us to a political imagination that awaits a miracle or external intervention that will return us to the first square of the experience of political transition.
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