Reviving the idea of ​​coordinating the coordination to join the majority.. and ambiguity about the

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[size=52]Reviving the idea of ​​coordinating the coordination to join the majority.. and ambiguity about the fate of al-Maliki[/size]


[size=45]Baghdad / Tamim Al-Hassan[/size]
[size=45]At the stage of the review by the Shiite "coordinating framework" of the issue of government formation, the talk came back again about "sacrificing the part" to convince the Sadrists.[/size]
[size=45]These reviews are being carried out with the support of Tehran, and its former diplomatic envoy, Hassan Danai-Far, who recently seized the Iraqi file.[/size]
[size=45]Over the past two weeks, the Coordinator reviewed all possible "scenarios" beyond the 40-day period granted by the leader of the Sadrist movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, to his opponents.[/size]
[size=45]The Shiite group works with some unofficial allies, which have come to be known as the “blocking third,” on two parallel lines: dialogue and threats, or what is known as the “carrot and stick policy.”[/size]
[size=45]The latter group puts pressure on the "allies of al-Sadr", within the tripartite alliance (Save a Homeland), especially the Sunni forces, investing some disputes within the component.[/size]
[size=45]All these pressures come to the point that the "Coordination Committee" is still clinging to what it believes is the "Shiite right" to form the largest bloc, and that "external forces" are supposed to want to extract this right from it.[/size]
[size=45]During the past few days, information was leaked that Hassan Danai, who was born in Baghdad, the Iranian ambassador seven years ago in Baghdad, seized for the first time, as a diplomat, the Iraqi file, instead of the Revolutionary Guards.[/size]
[size=45]Although Danai Far's professional background indicates that he was a former member of the Revolutionary Guards, replacing his efforts with those of Ismail Qaani, the commander of the Iranian Quds Force, means establishing a new phase.[/size]
[size=45]This stage apparently began with the change of the Iranian ambassador in Baghdad, Areej Masjedi, to a new ambassador, Hussein Al Sadiq, born in Najaf, a former advisor to the former Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani.[/size]
[size=45]According to some information circulating behind the scenes of politics, this combination between “diplomacy and the Revolutionary Guards” indicated that it “came to put a new solution to the Shiite crisis in Parliament and reduce losses.”[/size]
[size=45]Tehran's new envoy was one of the few ambassadors of Iran who held the position in Baghdad for more than 10 years, as he was appointed at the most accurate stage of Iraq's history after 2003 (between 2010-2017), which witnessed the first exit of US forces.[/size]
[size=45]Danai fled, and according to some leaks, he is believed to be behind the renewal deal for Nuri al-Maliki, the former prime minister, for a second term in 2010 despite the superiority of the Iraqi List at the time headed by Iyad Allawi, especially since the former ambassador had a friendly relationship with “Al-Maliki.”[/size]
[size=45]The return of the racing diplomat to Baghdad at this time, she indicated, according to sources close to the atmosphere of the negotiations, is to “review” the options for the coordination framework, which he fears will be excluded from the next government.[/size]
[size=45]And the information from the scenes that reached (Al-Mada), talked about a number of new propositions, which is that “the coordination framework crystallizes itself and slims its formations in preparation for joining Al-Sadr.”[/size]
[size=45]The signs of the recent political crisis started after the elections due to the different results this time from the previous ones. To use a new electoral law that allowed for individual candidacy and adopted multiple districts.[/size]
[size=45]The results annoyed the Al-Fateh coalition at the time, which later formed the nucleus of the “Coordination Committee” with Nuri al-Maliki, leader of the State of Law coalition, especially since the former lost about 30 seats from its figures in the 2018 elections.[/size]
[size=45]The last group disrupted the street and government formation negotiations for two months in protest of the results, until the Federal Court announced at the end of last year that the elections that took place last October were valid.[/size]
[size=45]These moves were the first reaction by the members of the coordination framework to the decision of the leader of the Sadrist movement, to go to a majority political government, not a “consensual” government as was followed by previous governments from 2005.[/size]
[size=45]The crisis escalated with a series of judicial interpretations, which held the quorum of the presidential election session, which is the penultimate stage of government formation, and as a result, “Al-Sadr” decided his famous retirement from the beginning of Ramadan until after the end of the upcoming Eid holiday, giving his opponents the green light to form a government without him. .[/size]
[size=45]And the sources familiar with the atmosphere of the dialogues add that "the coordinating framework returned to discuss the request of the former Sadrist leader to include part of the Shiite alliance to the Sadrists to form a government."[/size]
[size=45]This proposal was explicitly announced by Muqtada al-Sadr, when he said in a video speech at the end of last January that he welcomed all the forces of the “Coordination Committee” with the exception of Nuri al-Maliki, and the sources add to it and “Qais al-Khazali, the leader of Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq.”[/size]
[size=45]The sources do not confirm, “the mechanism of the new formation of the coordinating framework that will be presented to the leader of the Sadrist movement,” but the plan will be useless if it does not exclude “Al-Maliki” and the “coordinating party” on him.[/size]
[size=45]The former prime minister had aspired to obtain the position of deputy prime minister or the republic, but the sources said that “Al-Sadr has made up his mind and will not accept honorary positions,” referring to the positions desired by the leader of the State of Law coalition.[/size]
[size=45]This proposal was also close to verification 3 months ago, when Hadi al-Amiri, head of the Al-Fateh Alliance, was negotiating with the leader of the Sadrist movement in Najaf, and there was almost an acceptance of “removing al-Maliki.”[/size]
[size=45]However, the leaks confirmed that "Tehran refused this... and warned the coordinating framework that this would be a fatal blow to the Shiite forces in forming the largest bloc after that."[/size]
[size=45]Those leaks indicated at the time that al-Maliki was the one who persuaded Tehran of these fears, as he increased at the time, according to what was leaked, that “Iran will be in danger through American missiles,” as the latter portrayed to Iran that excluding the coordination framework from the next government would increase “Washington’s influence.” " in Iraq.[/size]
[size=45]The new-old proposal to enter a mini-lineup of the “coordinating party” with the Sadrists, it is assumed that “the frameworks” will get 5 ministries out of 12 ministries for the Shiites, with the Sadrist movement’s leader retaining the rest of the ministries and the right to nominate the prime minister.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Sadr had informed Al-Maliki, in the rare call between the two last March, after a rupture that lasted about 7 years, that he was nominating his cousin and Iraq’s ambassador to London Jaafar Al-Sadr for the position, before he announced it to “Save the Homeland” officially in the same month.[/size]
[size=45]In light of that contact, the Coordinator responded that he would not object to Jaafar al-Sadr, but initially wanted to agree on naming the largest bloc, which brought matters back to square one.[/size]
[size=45]After that, the "framers" began evaluating the events, and Tehran's latest suggestion that it can be accepted that Mustafa Al-Kazemi, the current prime minister, stay for a longer period in the position if the "political blockage continues", provided that a new negotiation is formulated with the Sadrists on ministerial positions.[/size]
[size=45]Prior to that, pressures on Kurdistan increased, and Erbil - one of Sadr's most important partners - was bombed with 12 "ballistic" missiles launched from Iran last month, and the Democratic Party headquarters in Baghdad was burned before the party "settled it with the ground" in protest against targeting it more than once.[/size]
[size=45]In addition to the veiled accusations from Tehran and from some parties to the “Coordination Committee” for Kurdistan in cooperation with Israel and the story of selling oil to Tel Aviv, which has not been proven so far, and the final report did not come out of the committee formed by Parliament last month, regarding the bombing of what Tehran said was the headquarters of Mossad" in Erbil.[/size]
[size=45]In the same way, Anbar was “threatened” by the intervention of some factions present there since the days of the liberation battles against “ISIS” in 2016, and 3 rockets fell last February in Karma, east of Fallujah, near the house of Parliament Speaker Muhammad al-Halbousi, who is al-Sadr’s partner in the Sovereignty Alliance.[/size]
[size=45]The coordinating framework also relies on the disintegration of the Triple Alliance, from the gateway of the Sunni forces, taking advantage of the presence of some internal differences, and promoting, for example, the former Minister of Finance, Rafie al-Issawi, who is trying to settle the charges against him with the judiciary, as “the leader of the next year.”[/size]
[size=45]Dialogues awaiting “Al-Sadr”[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, the "frameworkers" are communicating with Sadr's partners, and Mishaan al-Jubouri, a leader in "Sovereignty", revealed two days ago that international and regional understandings began to reflect positively on the political dialogues in Iraq.[/size]
[size=45]Al-Jubouri added in a tweet on “Twitter” last Tuesday: “I can say that regional and international understandings began to reflect positively on the political situation in Iraq and led to direct dialogues between the different parties, which could end the political blockage.”[/size]
[size=45]Prior to that, Ammar al-Hakim, the leader of the Wisdom Movement and one of the parties to the coordination framework, interviewed the parliamentary bloc of the Kurdistan Democratic Party.[/size]
[size=45]On this, the leader in the movement, Rahim Al-Aboudi, told Al-Mada that Al-Hakim’s initiative “received a response from most of the parties to the tripartite alliance, and the crisis will not continue until the end of the forty-day period.”[/size]
[size=45]The leader of the Wisdom Movement, a week ago, had put forward a 9-point initiative that does not differ in substance from the previous "coordinating body" initiatives, which talk about the necessity of the first cohesion with the Sadrists "to form the largest bloc."[/size]
[size=45]Al-Aboudi acknowledges that “all these dialogues with the political forces need a key factor, which is the presence of the Sadrist movement.”[/size]
[size=45]The leader in al-Hikma adds: "All the parties we negotiate with agree on our proposal and praise it, but they say: Go to dialogue with the leader of the Sadrist movement.[/size]


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