For those who don't know him yet: This is Nouri al-Maliki

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[size=52]For those who don't know him yet: This is Nouri al-Maliki[/size]



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August 1, 2022
This is the man of law and the state, the leader of the rule of law and the general secretary of the “Islamic Dawa Party.” He appeared scrawny and funny. He appeared as a roaming gang leader with a gun. The image also reads: “If I play, I would ruin the stadium.” This is Nouri al-Maliki.
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[size=45]A few days ago, in conjunction with the spread of leaked recordings of the former Prime Minister and Secretary General of the Islamic Dawa Party, Nuri al-Maliki, I was in my brother’s shop this morning, so I asked him if he had heard and followed the spread of the recordings. My brother's answer was not as important as the words of the man who was sitting with us. A gentleman of middle age, dignified and elegant, in traditional attire. He lives in an area on the outskirts of the city. This area is called "Agail Village", the majority of which owes allegiance to Nuri al-Maliki. He said: “May God give Abu Sirwa - that is, Nuri al-Maliki, and give us a long life and guard him, our spoiled Jane. He gives us the salaries of God’s bounties, risk allowances, incentives, and rewards.” He added: “This is a man who has been covered by Al-Kazemi, dry and dry, and we have not seen anything.” The most frightening point he uttered: “My uncle, from the latter, we are people who are not patriots, we want people to give us money, fill us with bread, and paint our roofs. We do not want patriotism or their slogans.”[/size]

[size=31]ID card[/size]

[size=45]Nouri Kamel Muhammad Hassan Abu Al-Mahasin Al-Maliki, born in 1950. His birthplace is in Al-Hindiya - Tuwairej District of Al-Hilla Governorate.
His grandfather Abu al-Mahasin is one of the leaders of the Twentieth Revolution. Nouri al-Maliki joined the Islamic Dawa Party in 1970. He obtained a bachelor's degree from the College of Fundamentals of Religion in Baghdad and a master's degree in Arabic from Salah al-Din University. In 1980, the tyrant Saddam Hussein issued a decision banning the activity of the "Dawa Party", so its members were threatened with death, which prompted al-Maliki and a number of his party members to flee outside the country. He remained there until the US invasion of Iraq. He was appointed prime minister for two consecutive terms, 2006-2014.[/size]
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[size=31]A year of major transformations[/size]

[size=45]Since he became prime minister, violence, kidnappings and killings have escalated, sectarianism and its rhetoric have spread, and the identity and booby-traps that have swept the capital, Baghdad, have emerged, as were the rest of the provinces that had their share of blood.
And when the Iraqi forces clashed with the Mahdi Army militias in the plan to impose the law launched by Nuri al-Maliki, the battle was not between the authority and the outlaws, but rather a battle to impose al-Maliki's power and image, not to impose security. He clashed with them because they were outside his authority, not the Iraqi authority. This is clearly evident, with the creation of the personality of Qais al-Khazali and his provision of money, weapons and legal cover. This reinforces the image of the Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq militia, which was created by Nouri al-Maliki, and the killing, intimidation, looting and “suctioning” of the country's money it caused. In those years, whoever held the identity of affiliation with “Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq” could play as he wanted with the security, the people, the state and its institutions.
Al-Maliki filled prisons with followers of the Sadrist movement on the pretext of violating the law, with the incident of the Suq al-Shuyukh district - Dhi Qar, and at the same time he established his gang led by Qais al-Khazali. People lined up with al-Maliki, his image shone and his popularity expanded, because he put an end to the crimes of the Mahdi Army militia, under the slogan: The enemy of my enemy is my friend. In addition, his success in reviving the abhorrent sectarian discourse, mobilizing the masses, sectarianizing government institutions and filling them with elements that praise Maliki and submit to him in obedience.[/size]

[size=31]Complete disasters and setbacks[/size]

[size=45]The second government of Nouri al-Maliki came based on circumventing the Iraqi constitution, which is full of loopholes. It was an illegitimate government, because the Iraqi List, the party made up of multiple Sunni, Shiite and Kurdish forces led by former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, obtained at the time two and a half million votes in the 2010 elections, and won 91 parliamentary seats in Parliament, which is the highest share compared to the rest powers. And it was, that is, the Iraqi List, who would assume the tasks of forming a government. But Nuri al-Maliki had another opinion. The sectarian “hormone” escalated again at that critical stage for the Shiite forces after the Iraqi List topped the list with the highest votes and seats, which made al-Maliki ally within the Iraqi National Coalition with his rivals such as Muqtada al-Sadr, led by the Ahrar bloc, and Ammar al-Hakim, led by the Islamic Supreme Council, in order to miss the opportunity for the Sunni forces. And not to leave the affairs of the country in their hands, because his character is infused with blatant sectarianism and no one else is allowed to assume the leadership of the country. In addition, al-Maliki did not satiate the crimes of his gang led by Qais al-Khazali. Rather, he sought - with Iranian leaders such as Qassem Soleimani - to create other militias, such as the "Hezbollah Brigades", "Harakat al-Nujaba", "Imam Ali Brigades", "Saraya al-Khorasani" and "Quarter of God". The irony is that Qais al-Khazali and the rest of the militia leaders were in the past under the cloak of Muqtada al-Sadr and among his men and followers. These militias gradually took control of outlets, key positions, and influential administrations. Then it was the mobilization of institutions with “mobs, savages and failures” and the manufacture of pawns that secure the consolidation of the owner of grace and credit over them. This is well-known: the followers of al-Maliki enjoy bounties, opportunities, and jobs. They don't care who gives them, but the bids themselves. During 8 years, the country's resources and people were exhausted, not one year was without protests against the policies of his state. But he was skilled in silencing mouths and breaking up sit-ins by force, arrests, killings, and the disappearance of young people. The last thing that Nuri al-Maliki concluded his reign with: handing over the provinces to ISIS forces, leaving thousands of beleaguered youths in the “Speicher” base a prey in the face of death, displacing thousands of families from their areas and razing them, and making thousands of people absent. But he was skilled in silencing mouths and breaking up sit-ins by force, arrests, killings, and the disappearance of young people. The last thing that Nuri al-Maliki concluded his reign with: handing over the provinces to ISIS forces, leaving thousands of beleaguered youths in the “Speicher” base a prey in the face of death, displacing thousands of families from their areas and razing them, and making thousands of people absent. But he was skilled in silencing mouths and breaking up sit-ins by force, arrests, killings, and the disappearance of young people. The last thing that Nuri al-Maliki concluded his reign with: handing over the provinces to ISIS forces, leaving thousands of beleaguered youths in the “Speicher” base a prey in the face of death, displacing thousands of families from their areas and razing them, and making thousands of people absent.
During his rule, Iraq's general budget totaled about 700 billion dollars. With Haider al-Abadi taking over as prime minister, he found nothing but crumbs in the state treasury, and his government was at the time facing an unknown war.[/size]

[size=31]Al-Maliki's audience[/size]

[size=45]It is common knowledge that the clans and many of the forces affiliated with them follow and praise Maliki. Maliki supported the tribes and provided them with weapons and money, so the tribe's authority overran the Iraqi street, social, political, and security life. In addition to these, there is the large audience of the “Islamic Dawa Party” whose roots are firmly rooted in Iraqi society, especially since Al-Maliki is one of the party’s leaders and responsible for the organizations inside Iraq. During his time in Syria and Iran in the eighties, his masses penetrated the joints of the state and its institutions.
But the loyalty of those masses is questionable. Thus, al-Maliki’s image gradually disappeared and faded after the brightness of the leaders of the Shiite factions, led by Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, and the commander of the “Quds Force” Qassem Soleimani during the war against ISIS.
In the early days of the start of the Iraqi October protests, a group of his fans came out after his calls to demonstrate. Only dozens of people came out. Tishreen youths mocked them, because of Maliki's weak ability to mobilize, but he wanted his image and name to return to the squares, the media, and daily circulation in the Iraqi street, and the result was that he turned into a joke.[/size]

[size=31]Before and after leaks[/size]

[size=45]With the killing of Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis and Qassem Soleimani, the militias loyal to Iran broke up and their power declined, as the mastermind, thinker and planner were absent from them. Disagreements occurred between the militia leaders, because the new face, General in the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, Esmail Qaani, Soleimani's heir, does not have Soleimani's authority over the armed factions. Al-Maliki's image returned to the scene with the absence of Qassem Soleimani. The "Frame" alliance was formed by the inclusion of Shiite factions and forces against the government of Al-Kazemi and Muqtada Al-Sadr. Al-Maliki's leadership resurfaced, but this time he did not succeed in gaining the sympathy of the people, as evidenced by the recent elections and the percentage of votes he obtained and parliamentary seats in Parliament, compared to what he was in before the October protests.
In the leaked recordings of Maliki, he explained his relationship with Iran and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. He described the Popular Mobilization and its leaders as a “nation of cowards” and described the Shiite community as “villain.” He disclosed the most important vocabulary in which he lived and lived: hatred and resentment from the Sunni sect. “What We Give It to” is one of his most important slogans that he professed, which is that he does not want others to share power, i.e. the rest of the sects: they have to submit and submit to what his soul desires, the crisis, the hedonistic that stirs up strife and conflicts and threatens people’s security and community peace. But beyond his words, weakness, weakness, and confusion: He wants to take refuge in the clans, after providing them with weapons and readiness for his call, intending to arm mercenaries to protect him from any looming danger. This is after the factions were glorifying Him, and after the Iraqi military force, the “Golden Division,” was called al-Maliki’s Army.
In his last appearance, after audio leaks, and after Muqtada al-Sadr's supporters entered the Green Zone for the first time a few days ago, al-Maliki went out on the streets of "Green" accompanied by armed men carrying an automatic machine gun.
The picture says: This is the man of law and the state, the leader of the rule of law and the general secretary of the “Islamic Dawa Party.” He appeared scrawny and funny.
He appeared as a roaming gang leader with a gun. The image also reads: “If I play, I would ruin the stadium.”
This is Nouri al-Maliki.[/size]
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