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[size=52]Raed Fahmy: The influential powers do not have an approach that addresses the problems of the structure of the political system[/size]
[size=45]In a dialogue session on the occasion of the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Iraqi Communist Party,
Raed Fahmi: The influential powers do not have an approach that addresses the problems of the structure of the political system.[/size]
[size=45]In honor of the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Iraqi Communist Party, the gardens of the headquarters of the party’s Central Committee in Al-Andalus Square, in central Baghdad, on March 31, 2024, hosted an open dialogue evening moderated by journalist Ali Al-Muhanna, in which Comrade Raed Fahmi, Secretary of the Party’s Central Committee, spoke.
Before the dialogue began, Comrade Mufid Al-Jazairi welcomed the attendees and said that the occasion of March 31, 1934 is a major event in the history of the Iraqi communists and their country, as the “Committee to Combat Colonialism and Investment” was established 90 years ago. Less than a year after her birth, she chose for herself the name that most accurately expresses her nature and the essence of her message, which is the “Iraqi Communist Party,” which waged major struggles for the rights of the Iraqi people and independence, and for the building, progress, and prosperity of the nation.
After that, the dialogue session began, which was attended by a group of representatives of Iraqi political forces, comrades and friends. Below is what happened:[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: On the ninetieth anniversary of the founding of the Iraqi Communist Party, we are talking on this occasion about the gains that have been achieved throughout the party’s history.
What achievements have been achieved thanks to the experiences the party has gone through on the political, social and economic levels? What are the things that the party gained, and what are the things that it lost?
Raed Fahmy: I first extend my warmest congratulations to all my comrades and comrades, and in particular to the families of the party’s martyrs, and to the families and comrades of our supporters who fought, drew and wrote glorious pages in the history of our party, and thanks to whose blood the tree of the party and the national movement was watered over the past ninety years.
During this period, when we talk about gains, everyone acknowledges this, enemy and friend, and all objective historians of the national movement in contemporary Iraqi political history, that the Iraqi Communist Party had a fundamental and advanced role, both in the national struggle and in confronting any form of presence and influence. colonialism within the homeland. He was also a staunch fighter for democracy and social justice. Therefore, his struggle was national, progressive, class-based, and democratic, and what he achieved in all these years was not only for himself, but to enrich and secure the solidity and continuity of the national movement and enrich its contents.
The party's project played a fundamental role in the unity and ability the national movement achieved to combine national and social struggle.
It is known that the July 14 Revolution, which announced the beginning of the complete political independence of Iraq and opened the way to economic independence, the communists played a major role in it by forming the national fronts, the National Union Front, and drawing up the programs that were largely guided until the revolution.
The party played a major social role, and the communists are credited with their role in enriching cultural life and enlightenment, as they were at the forefront and a major element in building the process of modernity in Iraq and spearheaded enlightenment thought in confronting outdated traditions that hinder development, advancement, and the advancement of awareness. Likewise in the attitude towards women and youth.
Great credit for this cultural awareness-raising role goes to the communists, who also played a major role in establishing trade unions and federations. When studying the social movement, we find that the communists were at the forefront of its establishment, and this was not achieved simply, but rather through great sacrifices. This prestigious role, which has been recorded historically, is considered a great capital for the Communist Party.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: As we talk about the ninetieth anniversary, we may notice that there are parties that are approaching the Communist Party in age. After the experience of 2003, it witnessed a process of cracking and division in the headlines, and these parties faced pressing circumstances that made them unable to maintain the main headline.
What did the Communist Party possess that enabled it over these years to remain under one title without being divided or merely a cover for a group of parties?
Raed Fahmy: Perhaps one of the main elements is the theoretical basis of the party and the nature of its class and national project, which from the beginning expressed the interests of the working class, working class groups, and broad segments of society that share the rejection of forms of exploitation and their desire for a country that enjoys true national independence, and a prosperous Iraq free from any form of oppression. Forms of tyranny.
The interests of these classes served as a compass that guided the party, based on a scientific theory that ensured it studied reality and deduced programs and tasks that were compatible with it, as well as drawing strategies and tactics that were baptized by struggles and blood. All of this formed an intellectual basis for humanitarian struggle that strengthened the cohesion of the communists and the stability of their direction. Therefore, we note that despite the sharp turns that Iraq has witnessed, and the very major political turns, and where the communists provided thousands of martyrs and victims, every time the communists rebuild their organizations and continue the struggle, which means that they have established deep roots in the soil of Iraqi society. They waged a multi-faceted struggle. Meaning that they never started from narrow political interests, but rather looked at the interests of the party through the general interests of society, especially the interests of the working people and the toilers. The compass to which the party turns is the national interests and the supreme interests of the people, and this is a fortifying factor for the party that has enabled it to withstand all campaigns, and we are not talking only about campaigns of repression, but rather about intellectual campaigns and distortion campaigns. Today, the world is witnessing rapid and accelerating developments, and the social and international environment produces unprecedented situations. However, the party remains able to deal, adapt, and interact with these developments and devise appropriate forms guided by its theory without dealing with this theory rigidly. Meaning that renewal is a continuous process. The party that does not renew itself is bypassed by life. One of the fundamental factors in maintaining the unity of the party during recent decades is the lessons learned from the experiences of splits in the early stages after its founding and up until the sixties of the last century. The development of internal democracy and its mechanisms and the management of intellectual conflict within the party enabled the party to absorb the differences and discrepancies in intellectual and political endeavors within it. Its organizational frameworks, and in this regard, our party differed from many parties, at the level of Iraq, and even compared to some communist parties in the world.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Which stages represented a major challenge for the Communist Party, now that we are talking about the ninetieth anniversary? What stage is considered an important turning point, where the suffering was most severe? Do you think that the future could be much better, or that the challenges will be greater?
Raed Fahmy: We say that challenges arise for various reasons. Reality shows us great challenges, and now we are talking about the party’s ability to confront these challenges.
The party has witnessed many challenges, both positive and negative. He faced the challenge of losing his proven leadership after the execution of comrades Fahd, Hazim, and Sarem. After the July 14 Revolution, the party became the largest party in the arena and faced new challenges in building a new reality, achieving social transformations, and organizing these large masses.
Significant gains were achieved during that period and their effects are still evident, whether in agricultural reform, economic policies, building an industrial economic base, or personal status law. The Communists played a major role in it. But there were challenges in how to ensure these successes and how to ensure their continuation and overcome the conspiracies that were hatched under the regime of Abdul Karim Qasim, which was patriotic but at the same time had weaknesses, including individualism and a policy of balances that, as a result, allowed the anti-revolutionary forces to succeed. In its black coup on February 8, 1963.
There was a campaign against the party that targeted thousands of communists and democrats, throwing them into prisons, detention centers, and torture cellars. Comrades Salam Adel, Al-Haidari, Al-Abali, and many other leaders and cadres of the party were martyred, and they tried to dismantle and annihilate the party. Then the challenge was presented of how the party could reinvent itself, and it succeeded in doing so. In 1968, there was another challenge, and the Baath Party came with a different color and face, and the party went through the experience with its successes and failures, until 1979, when another major turning point occurred. There was also how to confront the liquidation operations faced by the party, and the party’s ability to engage in various forms of struggle was demonstrated and it resorted to armed struggle in the Ansar experience in the Kurdistan region, and then the Ansar movement was attacked in 1988 and chemical weapons were used. The party faced another challenge to confront this setback and its effects, and many of the party’s comrades were forced to resort to rivals and countries of refuge, and then came the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist experiment, and then came the United States and the occupation occurred, and this is also a new situation for the communists who have this long record in combating and confronting Colonial powers.
We engaged in an intellectual and political struggle for change and salvation from the dictatorial regime to be mainly through Iraqi forces, and our destination was like this without seeking help from an external factor, but things went in a different direction. This equation is complex. How did our party engage in the struggle in these two dimensions: the national dimension, which requires ending the occupation, and the other dimension, after getting rid of the dictatorial regime. How can we build another Iraq, independent, democratic, and federal? Over a period of time, the party was able to rebuild its organizations, and this was also a major challenge in light of the occupation and forces, not all of which were friendly to the party. However, the party was able to rebuild its organizations due to the positions, enthusiasm, drive and will of the male and female communists, and under extremely complex circumstances. One of the conditions for success in facing challenges and overcoming failures was critically evaluating the party’s experiences and policies at turning points and drawing lessons and lessons learned from the experiences of success and failure.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: How can a party with this ideology deal with a society in which concepts and the way of dealing with many issues have changed, and it has begun to deal in a pragmatic manner, at least in the political field? If we want to talk about the process of electoral competition, for example, how can a party that carries these principles find a basis for competition in a society that deals in a pragmatic manner, and in light of a system that establishes this type of interaction?
Raed Fahmy: Since we talked about the challenges, this is one of them: the Communist Party can only work in its society, and we will not import another society. We deal with Iraqi society as it is, and therefore, yes, we face the challenges of discourse, forms of action, how to deal with other forces, and how to work also under conditions in which social conflict and social contradictions are enveloped in a tribal, religious, sectarian, or regional cover, so that they are subject to identity, in an effort To turn them into identity conflicts. But social conflicts and contradictions exist, and sectarian, religious, or other conflicts may at a certain moment overwhelm them, but those conflicts remain present and existing. When we say that the post-2003 society is different from the society of the seventies and eighties, we also say that today’s society is different from the society of 2003. So the process continues. At the same time, we are working on innovation and studying the changing reality and its equations, and this is a challenge that exists until this moment.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: If we want to talk about the vision of the Communist Party on the ninetieth anniversary of its founding and its reading of what society is suffering now, does it need societal remedies through the thought and action adopted by the party, or does it need quick political solutions? What are the areas that an effective leader concerned with leading society should focus on in this period? Are they community solutions or other solutions?
Raed Fahmy: We believe that the best solution to Iraq's problems and to put it on the path of progress and development is to establish a civil state with a democratic depth, politically and socially, that achieves social justice within the framework of a federal state.
The federal state is considered a reasonable and appropriate solution in the current historical circumstance of multinationalism, especially for the Kurdish issue and the rights of the Kurdish people. Now, we are talking about working to build a national state capable of preserving the national sovereignty and independence of Iraq, achieving a degree of social justice and putting the country on the path of socio-economic development.
All of these goals face obstacles, and I believe that we must stop at the quota approach, as there is talk about the necessity of the participation of all national and religious components and sects in governance as a means to achieve stability and security, and then build Iraq and put it on the path to political, security and economic stability. But the reality of the situation has not proven the validity of this view. We all agree that all segments of the people must have real participation in managing the country's affairs based on the principle of citizenship, and this citizenship does not mean abolishing privacy. However, this principle, in practical application and without going into detail, was transformed from the participation of the components to the participation of the representatives of the components, and gradually, and these representatives turned into representatives of their parties, and we notice that the representative character of these parties has diminished over the years.
In light of treating power as spoils, new societal distinctions arose, and the groups that controlled power granted themselves unusual privileges, and through corruption took control of public money, so new segments emerged with interests far removed from the interests of the masses, the interests of the overwhelming majority.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: How can the Communist Party work within this system?
Raed Fahmy: We work in multiple but interconnected forms of struggle, intellectually, politically and organisationally. In the early stages, we entered into the political process and viewed it as a process of transition in Iraq from a state of tyranny and totalitarian rule to a federal democratic system. This process should take place politically and peacefully.
But this path, although everyone agrees on the headings and goals, is not a single path; Within it there is a process of struggle over building a state, and a struggle over directions. We are aware that the political process is also an arena of struggle, whether with regard to the general approach such as the quota approach or the citizenship approach, and this is a struggle. As well as economic policies and how they are directed and state-building. Up to this point, there is a struggle over the state and state building.
We fought this struggle in two forms in the first years through our participation in power, but we never left the arena of popular struggle. There are forces that do not want a state, and this state is not complete. The state of law and the constitution is being manipulated and managed through consensuses. All of this weakens its qualities as a state. But on the other hand, we do not say that there is no perfect state, as the state must fulfill several conditions to be able to achieve its functions, the most important of which is confining weapons to the state. After the exacerbation of the structural crisis and the dominance of the quota and corruption forces, we put forward the slogan of comprehensive change and the move towards building the broadest possible coalition that includes the political and societal forces that reject the quota approach and demand a civil, democratic state based on social justice.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: What is your response to those who say that the post-2003 period is perhaps one of the most difficult and dangerous stages that the Iraqi Communist Party has gone through in the way it deals with political work, for many considerations, including that there are political parties that sought and are still seeking to create barriers between society The Iraqi Communist Party, for many reasons, including that it presents a societal discourse that is very close to the poor groups.
Raed Fahmy: This is expected. There are forces that work in different ways to isolate and limit the party, and to create a gap, sometimes based on religion and sometimes based on identity, and in various forms, including what comes under the category of hostility to communism. So, we see that as part of the challenges.
Today, we are talking about the ground that allows the party to establish its presence. We hear some people saying that we are now in a new situation and that the party is no longer able to keep up with it, but we say: Is the social conflict over? Are the interests of the working people, the toilers, and the general public respected? Are the contradictions over? Who really expresses it? Who is fighting for it? What is the way to confront these challenges? So, we believe that the objective basis for a party like the Iraqi Communist Party still exists.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: What is the most dangerous thing facing the party at this stage? Can we say that it is the opponent's political money that poses a danger, at least at this stage and the near future, or is thought and intellectual confrontation considered more dangerous in the process of confrontation?
Raed Fahmy: Over the years, the pillars of democracy have practically been reduced to the electoral process. Its other institutional, cultural and value pillars are neglected and marginalized, and the electoral process introduces certain elements that prevent it from being a means of truly peaceful deliberation, including political money, the use of influence and weapons, and control of state institutions.
These are real challenges, and therefore we say that the ruling system is a system born of the quota approach, and has used elections to legitimize its existence and reproduce itself. Here a question arises: What is the way to change?
We raised the slogan of comprehensive change, and does this mean that we abandon the peaceful democratic path and resort to other methods?
First, democracy and its institutions, historically and in all societies, did not come to life in an integrated form from the beginning, but rather were always integrated as a result of peoples’ struggles and their democracy was strengthened.
In Iraq, the Parties Law would not have been enacted had it not been for the protests in 2015, and the changes taking place today in regulating the electoral process would not have been achieved without the ongoing struggles. Therefore, the path of the democratic process with all its sound pillars must be a struggle goal that we seek to continue and work to achieve, but at the same time, this can only be achieved by creating balances of power and the forces that have an interest in change, and one of these forces is the Iraqi Communist Party.
Therefore, we always turn to society and protest work, and this will continue and seek to form the necessary alliances that bring together the forces concerned with change. We do not consider that these two methods, i.e. participation in elections and mass, protest and community action, are one negating the other, but at a certain moment one method may dominate another. Therefore, circumstances may come in which we can boycott the elections, as we did in 2021.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: There are those who ask: What was the strategy the party was thinking about when it decided not to participate in the 2021 elections, and then returned with an electoral experience under the same circumstances?
Raed Fahmy: Running in the elections and not running is a tactical decision, not a strategic one. Running in certain elections depends on his circumstances. In the year 2021, we were close to the 2019 uprising, and the demand for early elections was an October demand, and the purpose of putting forward the slogan of early elections at that time was because if the general popular mood had been reflected electorally, it would have necessarily led to change, but there was procrastination in holding them and types of repressive practices and attacks. Activists, targeting some and martyring others. In other words, this prevented the participation of the masses, supporters, and supporters of the uprising.
When the election date was set after obstruction, postponement and procrastination, our political assessment was that this was to end the spirit of October and what the uprising had achieved, and therefore we considered participation not to serve the strengthening of the protest process and the popular will that had been circumvented and its forces fragmented. Of course, political and other money exists yet, but we do not believe that all these conditions must be met in order for us to participate, as this is a cumulative process of struggle.
We consider that the struggle is continuing and can achieve progress, but at certain moments when there is a mass movement and high public pressure that is capable of exceeding everything that the elections might produce, then certainly the choice will be for the popular movement. Therefore, when we participated in the 2023 elections, we saw that the mood was declining and frustrated, and therefore we considered that running in the elections might be an element of activation for the people and the masses who were frustrated.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: During this period, there has been a lot of talk about the issue of early elections, and messages have been launched by political parties through those who represent them by talking in the media about the idea of there being early elections. Does this mean, if it is achieved or is more widely discussed, that the political system is no longer able to stabilize?
Raed Fahmy: Mr. Sudanese always says: We are achieving stability, political and security stability. This is our point of view, in light of our reading of reality and the nature of the quota approach and the conflicts over gains and positions, it is difficult to achieve stability in light of the contradictions and distinctions that occur, and even the stability of governance also seems to be problematic. Therefore, if the elections will resolve matters, it is not for the nature of the government, but for the account of one party at the expense of another. last. These are the calculations of the ruling system among themselves. We believe that conflicts exist over interests and influence.
There are political conflicts and many lights are being shed on them, conflicts between symbols or leaders representing the political currents participating in the administration of government over the years, and this matter in practice does not mean much to the people, as the influential do not have any approach or program that affects the structure of the system and the structure of the crisis in crisis, and therefore it is merely A struggle over how to share and how to change the balance of power in favor of this or that party. On the other hand, all considerations required that the current parliament go to early elections, as there are many matters that challenge its representative legitimacy, especially after the withdrawal of the largest bloc (the Sadrist bloc), and the percentage of participation in the elections was very weak. We noticed today that Parliament has not achieved anything and its achievements are meager, but now if these early elections take place, who will benefit most from them? Early elections are included in the government program, but are ultimately decided by the calculations of the political forces in power.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: During your speech, you mentioned the word “stability,” and this talk is constantly presented by the State Administration Alliance in general, and the Coordination Framework in particular, declaring that we are now in a golden phase in terms of political, security, and even economic stability in the post-2003 experience. Your vision in the Iraqi Communist Party: Are we now in a stage of real stability at the political, security and economic levels, or is it a discourse of authority presented to promote a specific idea?
Raed Fahmy: We believe, in light of our deep reading of the nature of this system and the nature of its contradictions, that there is a structural crisis linked to the quota approach, and the policies followed so far, including the policy of the current government, do not address the roots and foundations of this crisis, and address specific reform policies. Yes. There is calm, but have the factors of instability disappeared? of course no. What is beneath the surface are unresolved problems, so stability has its conditions, and today there is monopolization of power by a specific segment with different titles, but their nature is the same. It is not monopolization of power, but of wealth, and there is an imbalance, and this is reflected in the accumulation of wealth and social polarization that occurs.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: A question arises about the extent of the Sudanese government’s ability to overcome all these challenges, and here we are talking about the challenges related to the citizen and his life and achieving societal stability. Do you think it is capable or will it encounter major obstacles, at least with regard to the recent decision in the issue of raising the price of... benzene?
Raed Fahmy: The title that runs the Sudanese government is “services government.” We believe that this slogan, sometimes, intentionally or unintentionally hides something deeper.
If today the country does not have services, whether municipal, health, or electricity, what is the reason? Is it technical or is it in building the state and its institutions? Why has institution building been inefficient over the years? What is the basis for the way responsibilities are distributed, and the way employees or officials are appointed? Meaning that the Sudanese government is trying to address the results, and it is deteriorating services without going to their roots.
There is no one against the government providing electricity or providing bridges, and what is accomplished is unobjectionable, but behind that there are other things happening, such as employing it, the method of completion, and reliance on any companies, and what is missing due to the focus on bridges, for example? What is happening in other spaces, such as the economy, and what is happening in the country? Now all things are focused on services, but in reality today, Iraq is moving with rapid steps on the path of distorted capitalist development, and some have accumulated their wealth through legitimate and illegitimate means, and mostly illegitimate, seizing public money and extortion, and wealth has accumulated in the hands of a minority, and corruption has become An established part of the state.
Corruption leads to the collapse of the state and prevents the establishment of a sound state, and corruption leads to deepening social inequalities and weakening development. If these basic elements are necessary for the system, and they are not addressed radically, but rather their ends are addressed, then we believe that this approach is unable to solve matters.[/size]
[size=45]Question from the audience: The Iraqi Communist Party, and communism in general, defends the interests of the working class, the toilers, and the poor, and they are the ones who form the fence behind which the communists are entrenched. To what level has the Iraqi Communist Party reached in its relationship with the Iraqi working class, the toilers and the poor? To what level did he knock on the doors of the toiling and poor in cities, villages and countryside, which would form a protective fence for him in this ongoing class struggle?
Raed Fahmy: This is a legitimate question, and it is an ongoing goal for the party to strengthen its ties with these groups, segments, and classes, given that its project targets them in the sense that it expresses their interests. Now we come to the existing facts regarding the labor reality in particular, as it is linked to the economic reality in general. Our industry and factories are largely idle, and thus this labor reality is reflected even in the level of union activity. Our comrades work in unions and may have played a leading role in re-establishing unions after 2003, and they are now playing a leading role in defending legislation that serves the working class. At the level of presence, activities are limited because some of the factories are idle, small factories are family-owned and very small, and union work is difficult within them, and historically union work is strong in government industries.
At the popular level, the groups that have been greatly affected by rapid economic development are those that we have recently begun to call “marginalized groups,” workers who work in simple sectors such as tuk-tuks, stalls, taxis, and delivery services. These constitute a very large segment of the workforce. These segments may find it difficult to accept union work and organization, and are often influenced by charismatic figures and populist rhetoric.
We now seek to provide solutions and present achievable goals and issues, which can sometimes be complex for an audience that prefers simple slogans and clear demands. So, we face a challenge in communicating with these segments. I do not mean that they cannot be organized in any way. In the October events, these segments were among the most steadfast and confrontational, and many victims were among them. But, can they be organized effectively? This does not seem easy, and requires us to invent new organizational methods.
We pay special attention to the countryside, and we have witnessed remarkable activity recently, and we are closely following the ongoing developments there. Recently, it has been observed that large properties in the countryside have reappeared in indirect ways, which has led to a social crystallization that we are currently monitoring and following up, in addition to the contradictions occurring within it. .[/size]
[size=45]Question from the audience: It is obvious that authority is the birth of another authority, and the system monopolizes authority and contributes to consolidating its existence and enhancing its survival, and all of this takes place with external support and sponsorship. Everyone knows that regional countries are a factor of strength for the ruling system, so the civil, national and democratic forces, especially the Communist Party, must work with an innate project that reflects people’s concerns so that they can be an influential force and pressure on power.
Raed Fahmy: One of the features of the quota system is that it opens the way for external interventions, and regional countries to different degrees have influence at home. Indeed, some of them have become considered an internal factor rather than an external factor. Therefore, when we talk about building a civil state capable of securing true independence, it is also a challenge. This is significant in light of this sectarian division, and this prevents the building of a unified national will and prevents the building of a national identity. Therefore, I say that most of the parties at the forefront of power and practically holding power are unable to build a comprehensive national identity, even if they claim to do so. They are unable because they view national identity through their sectarian identity and narrow national identity. We believe that the Communist Party and the National Democratic Forces are the forces that can most bear the national project. There is a major challenge because interests based on identities have begun to take root, and identity has been used for narrow sectarian interests, claiming to represent sectarian and sectarian identity, but in practice it expresses the interests of groups and people. But we say that what October expressed is extremely important. So there is a path of developments and the problems that have begun to emerge are problems that are no longer linked to identities, but are also linked to social reality.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Let's talk about the political system, what it suffers from, and its ability to remain steadfast. Do you see the current political system as able to withstand and able to continue in light of what it is suffering from within, or do you see that if this system does not work from within to reform itself, it will be in danger of collapse?
Raed Fahmy: Let's take the Lebanese proverb. What is our difference from Lebanon? We do not differentiate between anything except oil revenues, and oil allows some problems to not erupt and some treatments are provided to allay and calm some problems and prevent them from escalating. We said that corruption is an integral part of the state’s structure and that the state is structurally weak, not because there is a corrupt person or an incompetent person. These people came by virtue of the equations of the quota system, and then chaos and unleashing the seizure and encroachment on public money and the resulting accumulation of these wealth, and thus this affects The middle classes affect the structure of society and build a fragile economy. Today we have a state and a parallel state, one of the systems is a protector of the regime in the event of contradictions, but the state is fragmented and the state is still being dealt with as a means of accessing public money, sharing the spoils, and securing immunity. If there is a move to address the root issues, it will clash with the quota equation. In terms of reforms, there is a certain extent that the government is allowed, as in corruption, to reach a certain level and then you have to stop, and these limits exist everywhere. How can a state be built when economic offices exist, and this means that there are quotas for parties, and this means that there is corruption?[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Who is stronger, the state or other elements?
Raed Fahmy: Certainly, the state is weaker, and the process of strengthening its institutions requires political will. When there is pressure and popular desire, it may push those who want partial reform and create a dynamic other than the one that is intended to prevail.
If the reformer is serious, his reforms must be in-depth. Therefore, we say that whoever wants reform must look to the people and rely on the people in order to advance deep reforms. However, if he remains within the limits and spaces set for him by those who gave him support, the changes will be simple to beautify the general situation, but without bringing about real change.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: When you talk about the people, do you see the street now rushing towards those who are talking about a real desire to bring about reform in the way the system works and in the way state institutions work, or do you see it moving away, isolated, content with the process of watching?
Raed Fahmy: The popular mood is not at the same pace, and in recent times the people have been presented with certain data that have eased their activity, including appointments, social care, and some of the achievements that are taking place. All of this plays a role, but fundamentally there is the problem of unemployment and youth, and now Iraqi universities graduate about 200,000 students every year, and in return, about 300,000 young people of working age enter. Meaning that about 500 thousand enter the labor market. Is the system as a whole able to find them job opportunities? No one can, so the crisis continues, and how it expresses itself politically is another topic. What are the country's paths today? We see the economy as a consumer economy that depends on foreign countries, and the potential for national industry is still limited and not encouraging. I also want to point out the distinction between growth and development. This situation may generate high growth rates but not development. It is very dangerous to transfer the economy to foreign companies. We note that public services that affect people are also provided to the private sector, including transportation. The metro project was given to a private investment company, and this applies to a large extent to health, education, and housing, all of which are governed by the law of profit.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: If we talk about the change that occurs in stages, is the situation heading towards this scenario, or will the situation perhaps be different based on recent experiences such as the October experience? Is it possible that there will be a new societal movement that may change the entire equation?
Raed Fahmy: Frankly, it is difficult to give a definitive answer on this topic. First, the Iraqi changes are not only internal, they are also influenced by an external regional and international factor. Secondly, internally, things change in Iraq from one day to the next, and this building’s base is not deep, so the possibilities exist. We believe that it is our responsibility to develop and strengthen the role of the self-worker, and we have the ability to interact and design appropriate work methods and take advantage of all situations that arise in order to mobilize people for change, but it is difficult now to eliminate any possibility, because crises exist and the situation of the region is still unstable. It is turbulent, and the region is an arena of conflict.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: The ruling system in this period, especially after the formation of Mr. Sudanese’s government, says the following: We are in the best stages in which the current political system has been able to protect itself from external influence. Evidenced by the fact that this government was formed without any external influence or desire, in fact the formation of Mr. Sudanese’s government was Iraqi.
Raed Fahmy: When there is stability, even if it is relative stability, it is natural that achievement is better. In relative stability, some kind of growth must occur, some services are provided and roads are paved. Yes, there is a degree of growth in the capabilities of the internal factor, but is the internal factor complete? Is our ability to fully control our politics complete? Can this process continue without addressing the problem of the unity of weapons, the decision to use them, and other factors that weaken the state? Can it be integrated and strengthened without addressing other factors than non-state forces? this is the question.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: I want to talk about the future that awaits how the regime will deal in the next stage in terms of forming governments. We went through an experience that may have been difficult on the political level as well as on the societal and security level, which is the experience of the Sadrist movement’s project to form a tripartite alliance in order to form a political majority government, and the matter turned into an armed clash and the story ended in the way it happened that night. Do you think that with this withdrawal and the one that took place after the last elections, there will perhaps not be work from all political parties in the next stage to form a consensual government again, but rather the Sadrist movement, with its withdrawal, has imposed on everyone to believe and be convinced in the next stage in a project related to a government formed by one party? Winner and loser must go towards the opposition?
Raed Fahmy: What happened in recent years? We have noticed that the idea of forming alliances based on identity has now declined, and today there are divisions within them. We noticed that biases sometimes occur and are transient to these interests. Meaning a Kurdish party cooperating with one of these parties against another Kurdish party, and perhaps to a lesser extent between other forces, and this is a reflection of reality and internal contradictions that go back to quotas. Does this create two alliances, both cross-sectarian or cross-national? This is a possibility, and some fear it.
And let us talk about the conflicts that currently exist within “Shiite” circles. Where can these conflicts go, such that alliances occur that make one party move to another camp, or at the final moment will the identity emerge and everyone submit to the identity? This issue is still here and will be revealed in the coming days, but it is very clear that there are internal conflicts, and thus raises the possibility that alignments different from previous alignments will occur.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Are you optimistic about the completion of the quota project?
Raed Fahmy: It is difficult to say that I am optimistic, but there are possibilities that this project will disintegrate. “The People’s Way”
newspaper
, p. 6 + 7,
Sunday 4/7/2024[/size]
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[size=52]Raed Fahmy: The influential powers do not have an approach that addresses the problems of the structure of the political system[/size]
[size=45]In a dialogue session on the occasion of the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Iraqi Communist Party,
Raed Fahmi: The influential powers do not have an approach that addresses the problems of the structure of the political system.[/size]
[size=45]In honor of the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Iraqi Communist Party, the gardens of the headquarters of the party’s Central Committee in Al-Andalus Square, in central Baghdad, on March 31, 2024, hosted an open dialogue evening moderated by journalist Ali Al-Muhanna, in which Comrade Raed Fahmi, Secretary of the Party’s Central Committee, spoke.
Before the dialogue began, Comrade Mufid Al-Jazairi welcomed the attendees and said that the occasion of March 31, 1934 is a major event in the history of the Iraqi communists and their country, as the “Committee to Combat Colonialism and Investment” was established 90 years ago. Less than a year after her birth, she chose for herself the name that most accurately expresses her nature and the essence of her message, which is the “Iraqi Communist Party,” which waged major struggles for the rights of the Iraqi people and independence, and for the building, progress, and prosperity of the nation.
After that, the dialogue session began, which was attended by a group of representatives of Iraqi political forces, comrades and friends. Below is what happened:[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: On the ninetieth anniversary of the founding of the Iraqi Communist Party, we are talking on this occasion about the gains that have been achieved throughout the party’s history.
What achievements have been achieved thanks to the experiences the party has gone through on the political, social and economic levels? What are the things that the party gained, and what are the things that it lost?
Raed Fahmy: I first extend my warmest congratulations to all my comrades and comrades, and in particular to the families of the party’s martyrs, and to the families and comrades of our supporters who fought, drew and wrote glorious pages in the history of our party, and thanks to whose blood the tree of the party and the national movement was watered over the past ninety years.
During this period, when we talk about gains, everyone acknowledges this, enemy and friend, and all objective historians of the national movement in contemporary Iraqi political history, that the Iraqi Communist Party had a fundamental and advanced role, both in the national struggle and in confronting any form of presence and influence. colonialism within the homeland. He was also a staunch fighter for democracy and social justice. Therefore, his struggle was national, progressive, class-based, and democratic, and what he achieved in all these years was not only for himself, but to enrich and secure the solidity and continuity of the national movement and enrich its contents.
The party's project played a fundamental role in the unity and ability the national movement achieved to combine national and social struggle.
It is known that the July 14 Revolution, which announced the beginning of the complete political independence of Iraq and opened the way to economic independence, the communists played a major role in it by forming the national fronts, the National Union Front, and drawing up the programs that were largely guided until the revolution.
The party played a major social role, and the communists are credited with their role in enriching cultural life and enlightenment, as they were at the forefront and a major element in building the process of modernity in Iraq and spearheaded enlightenment thought in confronting outdated traditions that hinder development, advancement, and the advancement of awareness. Likewise in the attitude towards women and youth.
Great credit for this cultural awareness-raising role goes to the communists, who also played a major role in establishing trade unions and federations. When studying the social movement, we find that the communists were at the forefront of its establishment, and this was not achieved simply, but rather through great sacrifices. This prestigious role, which has been recorded historically, is considered a great capital for the Communist Party.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: As we talk about the ninetieth anniversary, we may notice that there are parties that are approaching the Communist Party in age. After the experience of 2003, it witnessed a process of cracking and division in the headlines, and these parties faced pressing circumstances that made them unable to maintain the main headline.
What did the Communist Party possess that enabled it over these years to remain under one title without being divided or merely a cover for a group of parties?
Raed Fahmy: Perhaps one of the main elements is the theoretical basis of the party and the nature of its class and national project, which from the beginning expressed the interests of the working class, working class groups, and broad segments of society that share the rejection of forms of exploitation and their desire for a country that enjoys true national independence, and a prosperous Iraq free from any form of oppression. Forms of tyranny.
The interests of these classes served as a compass that guided the party, based on a scientific theory that ensured it studied reality and deduced programs and tasks that were compatible with it, as well as drawing strategies and tactics that were baptized by struggles and blood. All of this formed an intellectual basis for humanitarian struggle that strengthened the cohesion of the communists and the stability of their direction. Therefore, we note that despite the sharp turns that Iraq has witnessed, and the very major political turns, and where the communists provided thousands of martyrs and victims, every time the communists rebuild their organizations and continue the struggle, which means that they have established deep roots in the soil of Iraqi society. They waged a multi-faceted struggle. Meaning that they never started from narrow political interests, but rather looked at the interests of the party through the general interests of society, especially the interests of the working people and the toilers. The compass to which the party turns is the national interests and the supreme interests of the people, and this is a fortifying factor for the party that has enabled it to withstand all campaigns, and we are not talking only about campaigns of repression, but rather about intellectual campaigns and distortion campaigns. Today, the world is witnessing rapid and accelerating developments, and the social and international environment produces unprecedented situations. However, the party remains able to deal, adapt, and interact with these developments and devise appropriate forms guided by its theory without dealing with this theory rigidly. Meaning that renewal is a continuous process. The party that does not renew itself is bypassed by life. One of the fundamental factors in maintaining the unity of the party during recent decades is the lessons learned from the experiences of splits in the early stages after its founding and up until the sixties of the last century. The development of internal democracy and its mechanisms and the management of intellectual conflict within the party enabled the party to absorb the differences and discrepancies in intellectual and political endeavors within it. Its organizational frameworks, and in this regard, our party differed from many parties, at the level of Iraq, and even compared to some communist parties in the world.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Which stages represented a major challenge for the Communist Party, now that we are talking about the ninetieth anniversary? What stage is considered an important turning point, where the suffering was most severe? Do you think that the future could be much better, or that the challenges will be greater?
Raed Fahmy: We say that challenges arise for various reasons. Reality shows us great challenges, and now we are talking about the party’s ability to confront these challenges.
The party has witnessed many challenges, both positive and negative. He faced the challenge of losing his proven leadership after the execution of comrades Fahd, Hazim, and Sarem. After the July 14 Revolution, the party became the largest party in the arena and faced new challenges in building a new reality, achieving social transformations, and organizing these large masses.
Significant gains were achieved during that period and their effects are still evident, whether in agricultural reform, economic policies, building an industrial economic base, or personal status law. The Communists played a major role in it. But there were challenges in how to ensure these successes and how to ensure their continuation and overcome the conspiracies that were hatched under the regime of Abdul Karim Qasim, which was patriotic but at the same time had weaknesses, including individualism and a policy of balances that, as a result, allowed the anti-revolutionary forces to succeed. In its black coup on February 8, 1963.
There was a campaign against the party that targeted thousands of communists and democrats, throwing them into prisons, detention centers, and torture cellars. Comrades Salam Adel, Al-Haidari, Al-Abali, and many other leaders and cadres of the party were martyred, and they tried to dismantle and annihilate the party. Then the challenge was presented of how the party could reinvent itself, and it succeeded in doing so. In 1968, there was another challenge, and the Baath Party came with a different color and face, and the party went through the experience with its successes and failures, until 1979, when another major turning point occurred. There was also how to confront the liquidation operations faced by the party, and the party’s ability to engage in various forms of struggle was demonstrated and it resorted to armed struggle in the Ansar experience in the Kurdistan region, and then the Ansar movement was attacked in 1988 and chemical weapons were used. The party faced another challenge to confront this setback and its effects, and many of the party’s comrades were forced to resort to rivals and countries of refuge, and then came the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist experiment, and then came the United States and the occupation occurred, and this is also a new situation for the communists who have this long record in combating and confronting Colonial powers.
We engaged in an intellectual and political struggle for change and salvation from the dictatorial regime to be mainly through Iraqi forces, and our destination was like this without seeking help from an external factor, but things went in a different direction. This equation is complex. How did our party engage in the struggle in these two dimensions: the national dimension, which requires ending the occupation, and the other dimension, after getting rid of the dictatorial regime. How can we build another Iraq, independent, democratic, and federal? Over a period of time, the party was able to rebuild its organizations, and this was also a major challenge in light of the occupation and forces, not all of which were friendly to the party. However, the party was able to rebuild its organizations due to the positions, enthusiasm, drive and will of the male and female communists, and under extremely complex circumstances. One of the conditions for success in facing challenges and overcoming failures was critically evaluating the party’s experiences and policies at turning points and drawing lessons and lessons learned from the experiences of success and failure.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: How can a party with this ideology deal with a society in which concepts and the way of dealing with many issues have changed, and it has begun to deal in a pragmatic manner, at least in the political field? If we want to talk about the process of electoral competition, for example, how can a party that carries these principles find a basis for competition in a society that deals in a pragmatic manner, and in light of a system that establishes this type of interaction?
Raed Fahmy: Since we talked about the challenges, this is one of them: the Communist Party can only work in its society, and we will not import another society. We deal with Iraqi society as it is, and therefore, yes, we face the challenges of discourse, forms of action, how to deal with other forces, and how to work also under conditions in which social conflict and social contradictions are enveloped in a tribal, religious, sectarian, or regional cover, so that they are subject to identity, in an effort To turn them into identity conflicts. But social conflicts and contradictions exist, and sectarian, religious, or other conflicts may at a certain moment overwhelm them, but those conflicts remain present and existing. When we say that the post-2003 society is different from the society of the seventies and eighties, we also say that today’s society is different from the society of 2003. So the process continues. At the same time, we are working on innovation and studying the changing reality and its equations, and this is a challenge that exists until this moment.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: If we want to talk about the vision of the Communist Party on the ninetieth anniversary of its founding and its reading of what society is suffering now, does it need societal remedies through the thought and action adopted by the party, or does it need quick political solutions? What are the areas that an effective leader concerned with leading society should focus on in this period? Are they community solutions or other solutions?
Raed Fahmy: We believe that the best solution to Iraq's problems and to put it on the path of progress and development is to establish a civil state with a democratic depth, politically and socially, that achieves social justice within the framework of a federal state.
The federal state is considered a reasonable and appropriate solution in the current historical circumstance of multinationalism, especially for the Kurdish issue and the rights of the Kurdish people. Now, we are talking about working to build a national state capable of preserving the national sovereignty and independence of Iraq, achieving a degree of social justice and putting the country on the path of socio-economic development.
All of these goals face obstacles, and I believe that we must stop at the quota approach, as there is talk about the necessity of the participation of all national and religious components and sects in governance as a means to achieve stability and security, and then build Iraq and put it on the path to political, security and economic stability. But the reality of the situation has not proven the validity of this view. We all agree that all segments of the people must have real participation in managing the country's affairs based on the principle of citizenship, and this citizenship does not mean abolishing privacy. However, this principle, in practical application and without going into detail, was transformed from the participation of the components to the participation of the representatives of the components, and gradually, and these representatives turned into representatives of their parties, and we notice that the representative character of these parties has diminished over the years.
In light of treating power as spoils, new societal distinctions arose, and the groups that controlled power granted themselves unusual privileges, and through corruption took control of public money, so new segments emerged with interests far removed from the interests of the masses, the interests of the overwhelming majority.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: How can the Communist Party work within this system?
Raed Fahmy: We work in multiple but interconnected forms of struggle, intellectually, politically and organisationally. In the early stages, we entered into the political process and viewed it as a process of transition in Iraq from a state of tyranny and totalitarian rule to a federal democratic system. This process should take place politically and peacefully.
But this path, although everyone agrees on the headings and goals, is not a single path; Within it there is a process of struggle over building a state, and a struggle over directions. We are aware that the political process is also an arena of struggle, whether with regard to the general approach such as the quota approach or the citizenship approach, and this is a struggle. As well as economic policies and how they are directed and state-building. Up to this point, there is a struggle over the state and state building.
We fought this struggle in two forms in the first years through our participation in power, but we never left the arena of popular struggle. There are forces that do not want a state, and this state is not complete. The state of law and the constitution is being manipulated and managed through consensuses. All of this weakens its qualities as a state. But on the other hand, we do not say that there is no perfect state, as the state must fulfill several conditions to be able to achieve its functions, the most important of which is confining weapons to the state. After the exacerbation of the structural crisis and the dominance of the quota and corruption forces, we put forward the slogan of comprehensive change and the move towards building the broadest possible coalition that includes the political and societal forces that reject the quota approach and demand a civil, democratic state based on social justice.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: What is your response to those who say that the post-2003 period is perhaps one of the most difficult and dangerous stages that the Iraqi Communist Party has gone through in the way it deals with political work, for many considerations, including that there are political parties that sought and are still seeking to create barriers between society The Iraqi Communist Party, for many reasons, including that it presents a societal discourse that is very close to the poor groups.
Raed Fahmy: This is expected. There are forces that work in different ways to isolate and limit the party, and to create a gap, sometimes based on religion and sometimes based on identity, and in various forms, including what comes under the category of hostility to communism. So, we see that as part of the challenges.
Today, we are talking about the ground that allows the party to establish its presence. We hear some people saying that we are now in a new situation and that the party is no longer able to keep up with it, but we say: Is the social conflict over? Are the interests of the working people, the toilers, and the general public respected? Are the contradictions over? Who really expresses it? Who is fighting for it? What is the way to confront these challenges? So, we believe that the objective basis for a party like the Iraqi Communist Party still exists.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: What is the most dangerous thing facing the party at this stage? Can we say that it is the opponent's political money that poses a danger, at least at this stage and the near future, or is thought and intellectual confrontation considered more dangerous in the process of confrontation?
Raed Fahmy: Over the years, the pillars of democracy have practically been reduced to the electoral process. Its other institutional, cultural and value pillars are neglected and marginalized, and the electoral process introduces certain elements that prevent it from being a means of truly peaceful deliberation, including political money, the use of influence and weapons, and control of state institutions.
These are real challenges, and therefore we say that the ruling system is a system born of the quota approach, and has used elections to legitimize its existence and reproduce itself. Here a question arises: What is the way to change?
We raised the slogan of comprehensive change, and does this mean that we abandon the peaceful democratic path and resort to other methods?
First, democracy and its institutions, historically and in all societies, did not come to life in an integrated form from the beginning, but rather were always integrated as a result of peoples’ struggles and their democracy was strengthened.
In Iraq, the Parties Law would not have been enacted had it not been for the protests in 2015, and the changes taking place today in regulating the electoral process would not have been achieved without the ongoing struggles. Therefore, the path of the democratic process with all its sound pillars must be a struggle goal that we seek to continue and work to achieve, but at the same time, this can only be achieved by creating balances of power and the forces that have an interest in change, and one of these forces is the Iraqi Communist Party.
Therefore, we always turn to society and protest work, and this will continue and seek to form the necessary alliances that bring together the forces concerned with change. We do not consider that these two methods, i.e. participation in elections and mass, protest and community action, are one negating the other, but at a certain moment one method may dominate another. Therefore, circumstances may come in which we can boycott the elections, as we did in 2021.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: There are those who ask: What was the strategy the party was thinking about when it decided not to participate in the 2021 elections, and then returned with an electoral experience under the same circumstances?
Raed Fahmy: Running in the elections and not running is a tactical decision, not a strategic one. Running in certain elections depends on his circumstances. In the year 2021, we were close to the 2019 uprising, and the demand for early elections was an October demand, and the purpose of putting forward the slogan of early elections at that time was because if the general popular mood had been reflected electorally, it would have necessarily led to change, but there was procrastination in holding them and types of repressive practices and attacks. Activists, targeting some and martyring others. In other words, this prevented the participation of the masses, supporters, and supporters of the uprising.
When the election date was set after obstruction, postponement and procrastination, our political assessment was that this was to end the spirit of October and what the uprising had achieved, and therefore we considered participation not to serve the strengthening of the protest process and the popular will that had been circumvented and its forces fragmented. Of course, political and other money exists yet, but we do not believe that all these conditions must be met in order for us to participate, as this is a cumulative process of struggle.
We consider that the struggle is continuing and can achieve progress, but at certain moments when there is a mass movement and high public pressure that is capable of exceeding everything that the elections might produce, then certainly the choice will be for the popular movement. Therefore, when we participated in the 2023 elections, we saw that the mood was declining and frustrated, and therefore we considered that running in the elections might be an element of activation for the people and the masses who were frustrated.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: During this period, there has been a lot of talk about the issue of early elections, and messages have been launched by political parties through those who represent them by talking in the media about the idea of there being early elections. Does this mean, if it is achieved or is more widely discussed, that the political system is no longer able to stabilize?
Raed Fahmy: Mr. Sudanese always says: We are achieving stability, political and security stability. This is our point of view, in light of our reading of reality and the nature of the quota approach and the conflicts over gains and positions, it is difficult to achieve stability in light of the contradictions and distinctions that occur, and even the stability of governance also seems to be problematic. Therefore, if the elections will resolve matters, it is not for the nature of the government, but for the account of one party at the expense of another. last. These are the calculations of the ruling system among themselves. We believe that conflicts exist over interests and influence.
There are political conflicts and many lights are being shed on them, conflicts between symbols or leaders representing the political currents participating in the administration of government over the years, and this matter in practice does not mean much to the people, as the influential do not have any approach or program that affects the structure of the system and the structure of the crisis in crisis, and therefore it is merely A struggle over how to share and how to change the balance of power in favor of this or that party. On the other hand, all considerations required that the current parliament go to early elections, as there are many matters that challenge its representative legitimacy, especially after the withdrawal of the largest bloc (the Sadrist bloc), and the percentage of participation in the elections was very weak. We noticed today that Parliament has not achieved anything and its achievements are meager, but now if these early elections take place, who will benefit most from them? Early elections are included in the government program, but are ultimately decided by the calculations of the political forces in power.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: During your speech, you mentioned the word “stability,” and this talk is constantly presented by the State Administration Alliance in general, and the Coordination Framework in particular, declaring that we are now in a golden phase in terms of political, security, and even economic stability in the post-2003 experience. Your vision in the Iraqi Communist Party: Are we now in a stage of real stability at the political, security and economic levels, or is it a discourse of authority presented to promote a specific idea?
Raed Fahmy: We believe, in light of our deep reading of the nature of this system and the nature of its contradictions, that there is a structural crisis linked to the quota approach, and the policies followed so far, including the policy of the current government, do not address the roots and foundations of this crisis, and address specific reform policies. Yes. There is calm, but have the factors of instability disappeared? of course no. What is beneath the surface are unresolved problems, so stability has its conditions, and today there is monopolization of power by a specific segment with different titles, but their nature is the same. It is not monopolization of power, but of wealth, and there is an imbalance, and this is reflected in the accumulation of wealth and social polarization that occurs.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: A question arises about the extent of the Sudanese government’s ability to overcome all these challenges, and here we are talking about the challenges related to the citizen and his life and achieving societal stability. Do you think it is capable or will it encounter major obstacles, at least with regard to the recent decision in the issue of raising the price of... benzene?
Raed Fahmy: The title that runs the Sudanese government is “services government.” We believe that this slogan, sometimes, intentionally or unintentionally hides something deeper.
If today the country does not have services, whether municipal, health, or electricity, what is the reason? Is it technical or is it in building the state and its institutions? Why has institution building been inefficient over the years? What is the basis for the way responsibilities are distributed, and the way employees or officials are appointed? Meaning that the Sudanese government is trying to address the results, and it is deteriorating services without going to their roots.
There is no one against the government providing electricity or providing bridges, and what is accomplished is unobjectionable, but behind that there are other things happening, such as employing it, the method of completion, and reliance on any companies, and what is missing due to the focus on bridges, for example? What is happening in other spaces, such as the economy, and what is happening in the country? Now all things are focused on services, but in reality today, Iraq is moving with rapid steps on the path of distorted capitalist development, and some have accumulated their wealth through legitimate and illegitimate means, and mostly illegitimate, seizing public money and extortion, and wealth has accumulated in the hands of a minority, and corruption has become An established part of the state.
Corruption leads to the collapse of the state and prevents the establishment of a sound state, and corruption leads to deepening social inequalities and weakening development. If these basic elements are necessary for the system, and they are not addressed radically, but rather their ends are addressed, then we believe that this approach is unable to solve matters.[/size]
[size=45]Question from the audience: The Iraqi Communist Party, and communism in general, defends the interests of the working class, the toilers, and the poor, and they are the ones who form the fence behind which the communists are entrenched. To what level has the Iraqi Communist Party reached in its relationship with the Iraqi working class, the toilers and the poor? To what level did he knock on the doors of the toiling and poor in cities, villages and countryside, which would form a protective fence for him in this ongoing class struggle?
Raed Fahmy: This is a legitimate question, and it is an ongoing goal for the party to strengthen its ties with these groups, segments, and classes, given that its project targets them in the sense that it expresses their interests. Now we come to the existing facts regarding the labor reality in particular, as it is linked to the economic reality in general. Our industry and factories are largely idle, and thus this labor reality is reflected even in the level of union activity. Our comrades work in unions and may have played a leading role in re-establishing unions after 2003, and they are now playing a leading role in defending legislation that serves the working class. At the level of presence, activities are limited because some of the factories are idle, small factories are family-owned and very small, and union work is difficult within them, and historically union work is strong in government industries.
At the popular level, the groups that have been greatly affected by rapid economic development are those that we have recently begun to call “marginalized groups,” workers who work in simple sectors such as tuk-tuks, stalls, taxis, and delivery services. These constitute a very large segment of the workforce. These segments may find it difficult to accept union work and organization, and are often influenced by charismatic figures and populist rhetoric.
We now seek to provide solutions and present achievable goals and issues, which can sometimes be complex for an audience that prefers simple slogans and clear demands. So, we face a challenge in communicating with these segments. I do not mean that they cannot be organized in any way. In the October events, these segments were among the most steadfast and confrontational, and many victims were among them. But, can they be organized effectively? This does not seem easy, and requires us to invent new organizational methods.
We pay special attention to the countryside, and we have witnessed remarkable activity recently, and we are closely following the ongoing developments there. Recently, it has been observed that large properties in the countryside have reappeared in indirect ways, which has led to a social crystallization that we are currently monitoring and following up, in addition to the contradictions occurring within it. .[/size]
[size=45]Question from the audience: It is obvious that authority is the birth of another authority, and the system monopolizes authority and contributes to consolidating its existence and enhancing its survival, and all of this takes place with external support and sponsorship. Everyone knows that regional countries are a factor of strength for the ruling system, so the civil, national and democratic forces, especially the Communist Party, must work with an innate project that reflects people’s concerns so that they can be an influential force and pressure on power.
Raed Fahmy: One of the features of the quota system is that it opens the way for external interventions, and regional countries to different degrees have influence at home. Indeed, some of them have become considered an internal factor rather than an external factor. Therefore, when we talk about building a civil state capable of securing true independence, it is also a challenge. This is significant in light of this sectarian division, and this prevents the building of a unified national will and prevents the building of a national identity. Therefore, I say that most of the parties at the forefront of power and practically holding power are unable to build a comprehensive national identity, even if they claim to do so. They are unable because they view national identity through their sectarian identity and narrow national identity. We believe that the Communist Party and the National Democratic Forces are the forces that can most bear the national project. There is a major challenge because interests based on identities have begun to take root, and identity has been used for narrow sectarian interests, claiming to represent sectarian and sectarian identity, but in practice it expresses the interests of groups and people. But we say that what October expressed is extremely important. So there is a path of developments and the problems that have begun to emerge are problems that are no longer linked to identities, but are also linked to social reality.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Let's talk about the political system, what it suffers from, and its ability to remain steadfast. Do you see the current political system as able to withstand and able to continue in light of what it is suffering from within, or do you see that if this system does not work from within to reform itself, it will be in danger of collapse?
Raed Fahmy: Let's take the Lebanese proverb. What is our difference from Lebanon? We do not differentiate between anything except oil revenues, and oil allows some problems to not erupt and some treatments are provided to allay and calm some problems and prevent them from escalating. We said that corruption is an integral part of the state’s structure and that the state is structurally weak, not because there is a corrupt person or an incompetent person. These people came by virtue of the equations of the quota system, and then chaos and unleashing the seizure and encroachment on public money and the resulting accumulation of these wealth, and thus this affects The middle classes affect the structure of society and build a fragile economy. Today we have a state and a parallel state, one of the systems is a protector of the regime in the event of contradictions, but the state is fragmented and the state is still being dealt with as a means of accessing public money, sharing the spoils, and securing immunity. If there is a move to address the root issues, it will clash with the quota equation. In terms of reforms, there is a certain extent that the government is allowed, as in corruption, to reach a certain level and then you have to stop, and these limits exist everywhere. How can a state be built when economic offices exist, and this means that there are quotas for parties, and this means that there is corruption?[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Who is stronger, the state or other elements?
Raed Fahmy: Certainly, the state is weaker, and the process of strengthening its institutions requires political will. When there is pressure and popular desire, it may push those who want partial reform and create a dynamic other than the one that is intended to prevail.
If the reformer is serious, his reforms must be in-depth. Therefore, we say that whoever wants reform must look to the people and rely on the people in order to advance deep reforms. However, if he remains within the limits and spaces set for him by those who gave him support, the changes will be simple to beautify the general situation, but without bringing about real change.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: When you talk about the people, do you see the street now rushing towards those who are talking about a real desire to bring about reform in the way the system works and in the way state institutions work, or do you see it moving away, isolated, content with the process of watching?
Raed Fahmy: The popular mood is not at the same pace, and in recent times the people have been presented with certain data that have eased their activity, including appointments, social care, and some of the achievements that are taking place. All of this plays a role, but fundamentally there is the problem of unemployment and youth, and now Iraqi universities graduate about 200,000 students every year, and in return, about 300,000 young people of working age enter. Meaning that about 500 thousand enter the labor market. Is the system as a whole able to find them job opportunities? No one can, so the crisis continues, and how it expresses itself politically is another topic. What are the country's paths today? We see the economy as a consumer economy that depends on foreign countries, and the potential for national industry is still limited and not encouraging. I also want to point out the distinction between growth and development. This situation may generate high growth rates but not development. It is very dangerous to transfer the economy to foreign companies. We note that public services that affect people are also provided to the private sector, including transportation. The metro project was given to a private investment company, and this applies to a large extent to health, education, and housing, all of which are governed by the law of profit.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: If we talk about the change that occurs in stages, is the situation heading towards this scenario, or will the situation perhaps be different based on recent experiences such as the October experience? Is it possible that there will be a new societal movement that may change the entire equation?
Raed Fahmy: Frankly, it is difficult to give a definitive answer on this topic. First, the Iraqi changes are not only internal, they are also influenced by an external regional and international factor. Secondly, internally, things change in Iraq from one day to the next, and this building’s base is not deep, so the possibilities exist. We believe that it is our responsibility to develop and strengthen the role of the self-worker, and we have the ability to interact and design appropriate work methods and take advantage of all situations that arise in order to mobilize people for change, but it is difficult now to eliminate any possibility, because crises exist and the situation of the region is still unstable. It is turbulent, and the region is an arena of conflict.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: The ruling system in this period, especially after the formation of Mr. Sudanese’s government, says the following: We are in the best stages in which the current political system has been able to protect itself from external influence. Evidenced by the fact that this government was formed without any external influence or desire, in fact the formation of Mr. Sudanese’s government was Iraqi.
Raed Fahmy: When there is stability, even if it is relative stability, it is natural that achievement is better. In relative stability, some kind of growth must occur, some services are provided and roads are paved. Yes, there is a degree of growth in the capabilities of the internal factor, but is the internal factor complete? Is our ability to fully control our politics complete? Can this process continue without addressing the problem of the unity of weapons, the decision to use them, and other factors that weaken the state? Can it be integrated and strengthened without addressing other factors than non-state forces? this is the question.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: I want to talk about the future that awaits how the regime will deal in the next stage in terms of forming governments. We went through an experience that may have been difficult on the political level as well as on the societal and security level, which is the experience of the Sadrist movement’s project to form a tripartite alliance in order to form a political majority government, and the matter turned into an armed clash and the story ended in the way it happened that night. Do you think that with this withdrawal and the one that took place after the last elections, there will perhaps not be work from all political parties in the next stage to form a consensual government again, but rather the Sadrist movement, with its withdrawal, has imposed on everyone to believe and be convinced in the next stage in a project related to a government formed by one party? Winner and loser must go towards the opposition?
Raed Fahmy: What happened in recent years? We have noticed that the idea of forming alliances based on identity has now declined, and today there are divisions within them. We noticed that biases sometimes occur and are transient to these interests. Meaning a Kurdish party cooperating with one of these parties against another Kurdish party, and perhaps to a lesser extent between other forces, and this is a reflection of reality and internal contradictions that go back to quotas. Does this create two alliances, both cross-sectarian or cross-national? This is a possibility, and some fear it.
And let us talk about the conflicts that currently exist within “Shiite” circles. Where can these conflicts go, such that alliances occur that make one party move to another camp, or at the final moment will the identity emerge and everyone submit to the identity? This issue is still here and will be revealed in the coming days, but it is very clear that there are internal conflicts, and thus raises the possibility that alignments different from previous alignments will occur.[/size]
[size=45]Ali Al-Muhanna: Are you optimistic about the completion of the quota project?
Raed Fahmy: It is difficult to say that I am optimistic, but there are possibilities that this project will disintegrate. “The People’s Way”
newspaper
, p. 6 + 7,
Sunday 4/7/2024[/size]
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