Great report.... I hope you're paying attention because your freedoms are being trampled and if you care about your children, you'll do something about this.... Use your vote correctly this time around or explain to your children why you couldn't be bothered.
History lesson: The crucial differences between Bush and Obama’s NSA phone surveillance programs
By Michelle Malkin • June 6, 2013 03:17 AM
http://michellemalkin.com/2013/06/06/history-lesson-the-crucial-differences-between-bush-and-obamas-nsa-phone-surveillance-programs/
It is certainly schadenfreudelicious to see Al Gore and assorted Democratic tools going bonkers over news of President Obama’s radically expanded phone call data collection program — which he, ahem, inherited from the Bush administration and has apparently now widened far beyond anything Bush ever enacted or proposed.
But unlike Gore and company, I am not going to engage in a full, NSA-bashing freakout. Some of us have not regressed completely to a 9/10 mentality.
I will instead provide you with a sober reflection on why I supported the Bush NSA’s work and why Obama’s NSA program raises far more troubling questions about domestic spying than his predecessor.
As longtime readers know, I supported the NSA’s post-9/11 efforts to collect and connect the jihad dots during the Bush years. When left-wing civil liberties absolutists were ready to hang Bush intel officials, I exposed the damned-if-you-do-damned-if-you-don’t hypocrisy of Bush-bashers who condemned the administration for not doing enough to prevent the 9/11 jihadi attacks and then condemned it for doing too much. Bush defended himself ably at a press conference in December 2005 — refresh your memories here.
The Bush NSA’s special collections program grew in early 2002 after the CIA started capturing top Qaeda operatives overseas, including Abu Zubaydah. The CIA seized the terrorists’ computers, cellphones and personal phone directories. NSA surveillance was intended to exploit those numbers and addresses as quickly as possible. As a result of Bush NSA work,the terrorist plot involving convicted al Qaeda operative Iyman Faris was uncovered — possibly saving untold lives, not to mention New York bridges and possibly Washington, D.C. trains. I noted the Bush DOJ account of the plot at the time:
<blockquote>
As I asked at the time: If the Bush administration chose to pursue FISA warrants, failed to obtain them, let the information go to waste, and allowed another attack to occur as a result, is there any question the finger-waggers at the NYTimes would be the first to attack the President for failing to do everything necessary to prevent it?
I also noted then that despite the Get Bush media’s best efforts to undermine effective counterterrorism measures, the American public stood with Bush.
They trusted him on national security matters.
Flashback:
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
The new Obama order covers not only phone calls overseas with the specific goal of counterterrorism surveillance, but all domestic calls by Verizon customers over at least a three-month period.
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
programs.
Bush was fully engaged and committed to the war on terror when the NSA
programs were first exposed in 2005, four short years after the bloody 9/11
attacks.
<p>Obama, by contrast, immediately rejected the war on terror for “workplace
violence”/”overseas contingency operations” euphemisms and officially declared
last week that America’s war
on terror is over.Which makes you wonder:
What exactly prompted the Obama FBI to seek the sweeping FISA order on April 25? And why does it extend through July 19?
If it was related to the April 15 Boston terror bombing, how could Obama then stand up at National Defense University on May 23 and so publicly throw in the towel on combating Islamic jihad?
And if the catalyst for the FISA court order wasn’t the Boston bombing, then why so sweeping and so secretive? If not for the Guardian-published leak, which I must note I find as troubling now as I did during the Bush years, the document would not have been declassified until April 12, 2038.
Another fundamental difference between then and now: While Bush-bashers raised the specter of political spying abuses when the post-9/11 NSA program was exposed, there was never a shred of evidence that such abuses ever took place.
But now, the revelations about Obama’s expansive collection of domestic phone call data come amidst the still-exploding IRS witch hunt scandal, the DOJ/AP snooping scandal, and the invasive DOJ/James Rosen spying scandal — not to mention the gangrenous distrust of government fostered by the stonewalling, lies, and obstruction at the heart of the Benghazi and Fast and Furious national security debacles.
Is it possible that the Obama NSA program has a legitimate counterterrorism/national security objective?
Yes, remotely.
Is it crucially important to consider 1) the creeping, creepy surveillance-state context in which this current administration operates and 2) the naked contempt this current administration has shown for the privacy rights of its political enemies?
Hell yes, absolutely.
***
Just a reminder about how FISA defines electronic surveillance:
<blockquote>
Bottom line: a massive surveillance system that intercepts millions or billions of international calls and e-mails may not constitute electronic survellance as defined by FISA, provided that the interception occurs outside the United States and neither specific individuals nor purely domestic calls are targeted.
Under Bush, collection of purely domestic calls was rare or inadvertent — by the New York Times’ own admission.
Under Obama, massive, blanket collection of data involving purely domestic calls placed by Americans to other Americans is the intended objective, not an accident.
This is what overreaching looks like.
History lesson: The crucial differences between Bush and Obama’s NSA phone surveillance programs
|
http://michellemalkin.com/2013/06/06/history-lesson-the-crucial-differences-between-bush-and-obamas-nsa-phone-surveillance-programs/
It is certainly schadenfreudelicious to see Al Gore and assorted Democratic tools going bonkers over news of President Obama’s radically expanded phone call data collection program — which he, ahem, inherited from the Bush administration and has apparently now widened far beyond anything Bush ever enacted or proposed.
But unlike Gore and company, I am not going to engage in a full, NSA-bashing freakout. Some of us have not regressed completely to a 9/10 mentality.
I will instead provide you with a sober reflection on why I supported the Bush NSA’s work and why Obama’s NSA program raises far more troubling questions about domestic spying than his predecessor.
As longtime readers know, I supported the NSA’s post-9/11 efforts to collect and connect the jihad dots during the Bush years. When left-wing civil liberties absolutists were ready to hang Bush intel officials, I exposed the damned-if-you-do-damned-if-you-don’t hypocrisy of Bush-bashers who condemned the administration for not doing enough to prevent the 9/11 jihadi attacks and then condemned it for doing too much. Bush defended himself ably at a press conference in December 2005 — refresh your memories here.
The Bush NSA’s special collections program grew in early 2002 after the CIA started capturing top Qaeda operatives overseas, including Abu Zubaydah. The CIA seized the terrorists’ computers, cellphones and personal phone directories. NSA surveillance was intended to exploit those numbers and addresses as quickly as possible. As a result of Bush NSA work,the terrorist plot involving convicted al Qaeda operative Iyman Faris was uncovered — possibly saving untold lives, not to mention New York bridges and possibly Washington, D.C. trains. I noted the Bush DOJ account of the plot at the time:
<blockquote>
</blockquote>The Bush administration argued then that the NSA program that helped uncover the Faris plot was necessary because officials needed to act quickly on large caches of information, such as the data found after the Zubaydah capture in March 2002. Normally, the government obtains court orders to monitor such information from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. But the window of opportunity to exploit the names, numbers, and addresses of those associated with the top terrorist leaders was obviously small.Faris has admitted traveling to a training camp in Afghanistan in late 2000,
where he was introduced to Usama bin Laden. Faris admitted that during a meeting
in late 2000, one of bin Laden’s men asked him about “ultralight” airplanes, and
said al Qaeda was looking to procure an “escape airplane.” Faris admitted that
about two months later, he performed an Internet search at a café in Karachi,
Pakistan and obtained information about ultralights, which he turned over to a
friend for use by al Qaeda.
Faris also admitted that during a visit to Karachi in early 2002, he was
introduced to a senior operational leader in al Qaeda. A few weeks later, the
operational leader asked what he could do for al Qaeda. Faris said he discussed
his work as a truck driver in the United States, his trucking routes and
deliveries for airport cargo planes, in which the al Qaeda leader said he was
interested because cargo planes would hold “more weight and more
fuel.”
According to Faris’ admission, the operational leader then told Faris
that al Qaeda was planning two simultaneous attacks in New York City and
Washington, D.C. The al Qaeda leader spoke with Faris about destroying a bridge
in New York City by severing its suspension cables, and tasked Faris with
obtaining the equipment needed for that operation. The leader also explained
that al Qaeda was planning to derail trains, and asked Faris to procure the
tools for that plot as well.
Faris admitted that upon returning to the United States from Pakistan in
April 2002, he researched “gas cutters” – the equipment for severing bridge
suspension cables – and the New York City bridge on the Internet. Between April
2002 and March 2003, he sent several coded messages through another individual
to his longtime friend in Pakistan, indicating he had been unsuccessful in his
attempts to obtain the necessary equipment. Faris admitted to traveling to New
York City in late 2002 to examine the bridge, and said he concluded that the
plot to destroy the bridge by severing cables was unlikely to succeed because of
the bridge’s security and structure. In early 2003, he sent a message that “the
weather is too hot” – a coded message indicating that the bridge plot was
unlikely to succeed.
As I asked at the time: If the Bush administration chose to pursue FISA warrants, failed to obtain them, let the information go to waste, and allowed another attack to occur as a result, is there any question the finger-waggers at the NYTimes would be the first to attack the President for failing to do everything necessary to prevent it?
I also noted then that despite the Get Bush media’s best efforts to undermine effective counterterrorism measures, the American public stood with Bush.
They trusted him on national security matters.
Flashback:
<blockquote>
</blockquote>I must also remind you of some wise words from fellow conservatives who defended the Bush monitoring program back in 2006:A majority of Americans initially support a controversial National Security
Agency program to collect information on telephone calls made in the United
States in an effort to identify and investigate potential terrorist threats,
according to a Washington Post-ABC News poll.
The new survey found that 63 percent of Americans said they found the NSA
program to be an acceptable way to investigate terrorism, including 44 percent
who strongly endorsed the effort. Another 35 percent said the program was
unacceptable, which included 24 percent who strongly objected to it.
A slightly larger majority–66 percent–said they would not be bothered if NSA
collected records of personal calls they had made, the poll found.
Underlying those views is the belief that the need to investigate terrorism
outweighs privacy concerns. According to the poll, 65 percent of those
interviewed said it was more important to investigate potential terrorist
threats “even if it intrudes on privacy.” Three in 10–31 percent–said it was
more important for the federal government not to intrude on personal privacy,
even if that limits its ability to investigate possible terrorist threats.
Half–51 percent–approved of the way President Bush was handling privacy
matters.
<blockquote>
Mark Levin:
<p>Is not life the most important of civil liberties? These intelligence
programs are trashed without any curiosity as to whether they’ve prevented any
attacks and saved any lives. The hostile responses are largely knee-jerk and
lack any kind of context. The arguments are abstract and descend into
fear-mongering. While I’m all for philosophical debates, how about a little more
reality when it comes to fighting and winning this war—a real war against a
horrific enemy.
</blockquote>The differences between then and now are glaring.John McIntyre at Real Clear Politics:
Many of the people decrying these violations of civil liberties are the
same ones who ripped the government for its inability to “connect-the-dots”
prior to 9/11.
But the paranoia on the left, and in particular, the hatred for the Bush
administration has become so intense there is an automatic assumption that the
NSA has to be engaging in nefarious activity, spying on you and your neighbor.
The idea that the agency is thinking creatively and proactively about how they
can legally monitor the bad guys instead of just going about business as usual
is, apparently, out of the question for some. The sad truth is it is probably
going to take another devastating attack to convince many in this country that
we are actually at war against Islamic jihadists..
The new Obama order covers not only phone calls overseas with the specific goal of counterterrorism surveillance, but all domestic calls by Verizon customers over at least a three-month period.
<blockquote>
</blockquote>As usual, Obama was against it before he was for it:Trevor Timm, a digital rights analyst at the Electronic Frontier Foundation,
called the order “shockingly broad.”
“Not only are they intercepting call data into and out of the country, but
they are intercepting all call data in the United States, which goes far beyond
what the FISA Amendments Act allows,” Timm said.
“This is an abuse of the Patriot Act on a massive scale,” said Gregory
Nojeim, senior counsel at the Center for Democracy and Technology. “Since the
law requires that the telephone records sought be relevant to an investigation,
it appears that the FBI and the NSA may have launched the broadest investigation
in history because everyone’s telephone calls seem to be relevant to it.”
…The “top secret” order issued in April by a judge on the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Court at the request of the FBI instructs the
telecommunications giant Verizon to provide the NSA with daily reports of “all
call detail records or ‘telephony metadata’ created by Verizon for
communications (i) between the United States and abroad; or (ii) wholly within
the United States, including local telephone calls.”
<blockquote>
</blockquote>Here is another key difference between the Bush and Obama administrationIt had not previously been confirmed that the Obama administration was
conducting similar broad surveillance of calling patterns. However, in 2008
Congress amended the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act to give explicit
legal authority to aspects of the program President George W. Bush initiated
without requiring a future blessing from lawmakers.
Then-presidential candidate Barack Obama opposed the legislation during his
primary battle with Hillary Clinton. However, he reversed course shortly after
clinching the nomination and voted for a modified version of the bill.
programs.
Bush was fully engaged and committed to the war on terror when the NSA
programs were first exposed in 2005, four short years after the bloody 9/11
attacks.
<p>Obama, by contrast, immediately rejected the war on terror for “workplace
violence”/”overseas contingency operations” euphemisms and officially declared
last week that America’s war
on terror is over.Which makes you wonder:
What exactly prompted the Obama FBI to seek the sweeping FISA order on April 25? And why does it extend through July 19?
If it was related to the April 15 Boston terror bombing, how could Obama then stand up at National Defense University on May 23 and so publicly throw in the towel on combating Islamic jihad?
And if the catalyst for the FISA court order wasn’t the Boston bombing, then why so sweeping and so secretive? If not for the Guardian-published leak, which I must note I find as troubling now as I did during the Bush years, the document would not have been declassified until April 12, 2038.
Another fundamental difference between then and now: While Bush-bashers raised the specter of political spying abuses when the post-9/11 NSA program was exposed, there was never a shred of evidence that such abuses ever took place.
But now, the revelations about Obama’s expansive collection of domestic phone call data come amidst the still-exploding IRS witch hunt scandal, the DOJ/AP snooping scandal, and the invasive DOJ/James Rosen spying scandal — not to mention the gangrenous distrust of government fostered by the stonewalling, lies, and obstruction at the heart of the Benghazi and Fast and Furious national security debacles.
Is it possible that the Obama NSA program has a legitimate counterterrorism/national security objective?
Yes, remotely.
Is it crucially important to consider 1) the creeping, creepy surveillance-state context in which this current administration operates and 2) the naked contempt this current administration has shown for the privacy rights of its political enemies?
Hell yes, absolutely.
***
Just a reminder about how FISA defines electronic surveillance:
<blockquote>
</blockquote>To refresh your memories: If an NSA surveillance program tracks all international communications (or all international communications to al Qaeda hotspots such as Afghanistan), it does not target specific individuals as required by 1801(f)(1). If the communications are intercepted outside the U.S., the NSA program falls outside the definitions in 1801(f)(2) and 1801(f)(4). If the program excludes intentional capture of purely domestic communications, it falls outside the scope of 1801(f)(3).(1) the acquisition by an electronic, mechanical, or other surveillance
device of the contents of any wire or radio communication sent by or intended to
be received by a particular, known United States person who is in the United
States, if the contents are acquired by intentionally targeting that United
States person, under circumstances in which a person has a reasonable
expectation of privacy and a warrant would be required for law enforcement
purposes;
(2) the acquisition by an electronic, mechanical, or other surveillance
device of the contents of any wire communication to or from a person in the
United States, without the consent of any party thereto, if such acquisition
occurs in the United States, but does not include the acquisition of those
communications of computer trespassers that would be permissible under section
2511 (2)(i) of title 18;
(3) the intentional acquisition by an electronic, mechanical, or other
surveillance device of the contents of any radio communication, under
circumstances in which a person has a reasonable expectation of privacy and a
warrant would be required for law enforcement purposes, and if both the sender
and all intended recipients are located within the United States; or
(4) the installation or use of an electronic, mechanical, or other
surveillance device in the United States for monitoring to acquire information,
other than from a wire or radio communication, under circumstances in which a
person has a reasonable expectation of privacy and a warrant would be required
for law enforcement purposes.
Bottom line: a massive surveillance system that intercepts millions or billions of international calls and e-mails may not constitute electronic survellance as defined by FISA, provided that the interception occurs outside the United States and neither specific individuals nor purely domestic calls are targeted.
Under Bush, collection of purely domestic calls was rare or inadvertent — by the New York Times’ own admission.
Under Obama, massive, blanket collection of data involving purely domestic calls placed by Americans to other Americans is the intended objective, not an accident.
This is what overreaching looks like.
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