Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Welcome to the Neno's Place!

Neno's Place Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality


Neno

I can be reached by phone or text 8am-7pm cst 972-768-9772 or, once joining the board I can be reached by a (PM) Private Message.

Join the forum, it's quick and easy

Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Welcome to the Neno's Place!

Neno's Place Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality


Neno

I can be reached by phone or text 8am-7pm cst 972-768-9772 or, once joining the board I can be reached by a (PM) Private Message.

Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Would you like to react to this message? Create an account in a few clicks or log in to continue.
Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Many Topics Including The Oldest Dinar Community. Copyright © 2006-2020


    Abadi media: Time constraints pushed the prime minister to ally with the two partners

    Rocky
    Rocky
    Rocky
    Admin Assist
    Admin Assist


    Posts : 270014
    Join date : 2012-12-21
    • Post n°1

    Abadi media: Time constraints pushed the prime minister to ally with the two partners Empty Abadi media: Time constraints pushed the prime minister to ally with the two partners

    Post by Rocky Thu 01 Feb 2018, 1:42 am

    [You must be registered and logged in to see this image.]
    Abadi media: Time constraints pushed the prime minister to ally with the two partners


     Translation / Hamed Ahmed 

    In just three years, Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi has been able to rebuild the army and defeat an organization that advocates and regains sovereignty through its deeply divided country, achievements that many consider to be Abraham Lincoln's Iraq. Nevertheless, Abadi warned during his weekly speeches that stability remains fragile.
    The country is grappling with the most serious threats of sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shiites alike, as well as rampant government corruption and dominant economic tyranny, particularly affecting millions of people who have left homeless people after the fighting against an oppressive organization. It is a critical stage that Iraq is going through as it prepares for elections that would undermine Ebadi's hard-won achievements. The vote is also expected to change the profile of Iran's influence across the Middle East and decide whether a resurgent organization could be restored. 
    But it is also an important moment for Abadi. He has not spearheaded any campaign before, and he has already stumbled as he tries to negotiate with other parties in the intricacies of Iraq's baffling politics for an electoral vote that will test his political intelligence in a difficult security environment.
    Two weeks ago, for example, before the deadline for registering the lists of candidates for the May 12 elections, the prime minister erred in a clear landmine. He welcomed the leaders of Shi'ite militias backed by Iran to form a large coalition. 
    But the opposite result of his movement was rapid. Within 24 hours, Abadi himself withdrew and militia leaders left the coalition. Even Shi'ite leader Moqtada al-Sadr, who may be al-Qubban's egg for the elections, criticized the alliance as a "dirty" alliance. 
    Abadi's blatant mistake is a clear signal that we can not count on expectations with these elections, which are still more than three months apart. 
    While Abadi remains the most popular politician in Iraq ahead of others, his faltering attempts to reach out to other parties and form alliances with them have increased, making him an influential party that needs to win.
    "Abadi has a narrow path to go," said Reynad Mansour, an Iraqi researcher at the Gatham House Center for Studies. "He enjoys popularity among all the people, but at the same time he has dangerous enemies. Politics is the power partnership in Iraq." 
    But while Ebadi is considered the country's leader, he does not head the political party of the Islamic Dawa Party, making his political position shaky. The party's leader is still former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, who has a long-running political past eager to return to office. Other.
    Therefore, because of the twisted nature of politics in Iraq, al-Maliki prevented Abadi from using Dawa resources for his campaign. Abadi formed his own alliance, which he called the Alliance of Victory, an alliance that militia leaders joined and welcomed and then withdrew from. The coalition drew a direct mix of scores of national political figures from across the ethnic spectrum, giving the alliance confidence in a strong rally to enter the next election season. 
    Analysts say the country has been through difficult elections and coalition governments through three national elections since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. Abadi needs an alliance that includes at least one of three powerful Shiite blocs to win (Maliki's coalition, Sadr's bloc and Hakim's coalition).
    The problem is that these Shiite forces have their own portfolios. One of these blocks is Maliki's bloc, which is considered a politically affected competitor and wants the post of Abbadi. The second is for Iranian-backed militia leaders and a close associate of Iran's Revolutionary Guard, the bloc that has already caused a negative reaction to Abadi. The third bloc is headed by prominent Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, who has become a popular hero for the poor and the unemployed and a strong opponent of Iranian intervention. He heads his own bloc, which resembles the Abbadi bloc as trans-sectarian and includes Sunni leaders who welcomed his anti-Iranian stance. Politicians close to Abadi held exploratory talks with Sadr's followers about joining them in a possible coalition. The reasons for the collapse of the talks are unclear, but Sadrists say their leader was angered by Abadi's alliance with Iranian-backed militia leaders. Even Abbadi's closest advisers now acknowledged that the alliance was a serious tactical mistake, attributed to the speed of the crucial task of forming a new political entity within a period A short vote, as the deadline for the registration of blocks for the elections was to end on the 15th of January. Parliament member Ali al-Adib, who is close to Abadi, told The New York Times: "We did not have time to determine who our main partners would be and we are now discussing what we will address and what we will all agree on."
    Some analysts say Abbadi's reputation may have been damaged forever. "Recent developments have undermined Washington's view that Abadi is an impenetrable dam against sectarian forces with strong ties to Iran," wrote Hassan Hassan, author of the book Counterterrorism in an opinion published in The National newspaper. 
    Others say it is too early to make predictions to this extent, given the unpredictable security climate of Iraq. 
    There is one way Abadi can boost his reputation, especially among the Sunnis of Iraq, to ​​deliver a successful performance at an international donor conference next month whose government hopes to attract hundreds of billions of dollars to rebuild mostly Sunni areas destroyed during military operations against a pro - .
    It is believed confident Hashemi, head of the Iraqi Group for Strategic Studies, that Abadi , and despite the challenges he has the best chances to win and for a simple reason, namely the optimism that retrieve it for the Iraqis after the victory over al - Daesh. "Confirms al - Hashemi said , " by Abadi for a second session will be a path strewn with flowers. " 
    Ï ®️ About: The New York Times, Margaret Coker and Faleh Hassan





    [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
    • Back to top
      Current date/time is Mon 13 May 2024, 10:57 am