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[size=36]Compulsory conscription for the front again, is it imposed in Iraq?[/size]
political| 07:23 - 25/06/2021
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Baghdad - Mawazine News
The military life in Iraq was characterized by intensity and continuous training, and the senior army officers raised the slogan "sweat training reduces the blood of battle", but the Iraqi army is one of the most blood-shedding Arab armies in the modern era.
It was established on January 6, 1921, with a census of a regiment called by the founders of the royal Iraqi state, "The Musa al-Kadhim Regiment," led by Lieutenant-General Jaafar al-Askari, who was named the first defense minister in the Iraqi army.
The development of the army coincided with the development of the state
And the military establishment developed rapidly as a result of the dream of the great founders to establish a strong state with a tight fence of the armed forces, and most of them were entrusted with the mandatory service of the flag, for long or short periods according to the country’s conditions and the challenges it faced, and it was prepared by the British, with Iraqi leaders who graduated in the " Astana, the Ottoman Empire, but they rose against it to obtain national independence, which historians described as legendary, to restore the Wilayat of Mosul, which the Ottomans demanded, and to install a Hashemite king in Hejaz, King Faisal bin Sharif Hussein, the King of the Arabs at the time, the Iraqi soldier, as described by Major General Abdel Wahhab Al-Qassab in advance to his colleague in the Republican Guard. Lieutenant-General Raad Al-Hamdani, in his book "Before History Leaves Us", it is "A profession and honor after it is honor, and the Iraqi soldier is distinguished, as she is the heir to long-standing glories, as if she had contributed to the formulation of the well-known Iraqi character, with her nose and fathers, who imposed characteristics that unite Iraqis of all their streaks and diversity.
The dissolution of the army is the greatest challenge faced by the Iraqi state
. Despite the longevity of the Iraqi military institution, and its national and historical contribution to building and defending the state, a serious event occurred to this institution with the dissolution of the Iraqi army in 2003, by the civil administrator, Paul Bremer, with Iraqi advice, which he repeatedly confirmed. Repeatedly, the dissolution of the army came in response to the demands of Iraqi forces, who were opposed to the Baath regime, and thought that the Iraqi army would turn against them at some point.
It is likely that the decision to abolish the conscription received popular approval, especially since the wars fought by Saddam Hussein’s regime since the eighties generated popular hatred, especially from the market of conscripts to units for long periods outside the prescribed mandatory service period, which ranges from six months for university graduates to A maximum period of one and a half years for others, while the compulsory service of those born in the fifties and sixties continued for more than 10 years.
The chaos of the regime and doctrine,
and after the fall of the regime in 2003, affiliation with the military institution became voluntary, while the ruling forces monopolized the granting of ranks and positions, to its followers, and the army remained captive to the whims and calculations of politicians, and it was joined by new factions and brigades, the Kurdish “Peshmerga” forces, and the “Popular Mobilization.” As regular, official forces later on by a decision voted by Parliament, and they are all run by the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the Prime Minister, in accordance with the Constitution.
Several challenges and problems caused its ineffectiveness and loss of command and control, as happened during the control of the terrorist organization "ISIS" in 2014 over a third of the country, with small numbers compared to the number of the Iraqi army, the federal police, and the special protections at the time, which exceeded 100 thousand members of the forces The armed forces in Mosul, which necessitated the imposition of “sufficient jihad” by the supreme authority represented by Ali al-Husseini al-Sistani, which was behind the formation of the “Popular Mobilization” that participated in the fight alongside the Iraqi armed forces against “ISIS” with a well-known doctrine, and incurred tens of thousands of victims in exchange for Edit all cities.
The widening chasm of societal discord and the phenomenon of unemployment
The volunteer army to fight ISIS He brought to mind the necessity of opening the doors of compulsory service, to impose a unified formula for the people to train in the field of arms, with the aim of eliminating class, sectarian, sectarian and regional differences, and unifying society in the training grounds.
unresolved questions
In the midst of this atmosphere, writer Hazem Farhan, according to a report by The Independent, saw that “there are no solutions to control young people except through compulsory service after graduation in colleges, similar to what some countries do, which allows young people to enter any college they wish to apply to after completing their studies. Compulsory service, for a small salary, we suffer from a problem of youth out of control.”
And the adoption of the compulsory service law, in return for appropriate incentives, with the employment of these recruits, while they are in service in construction and reconstruction projects, supported by the independent politician Hassan al-Abadi, who calls for the legislation of a new law for compulsory service, saying, “We see the proposal to pass the compulsory service law, which was supported by everyone, as an important step.” To reform our children and hold them accountable, but it is important to search for mechanisms that achieve this goal by coordinating with members of Parliament to pressure them and pass it into law.
But the independent politician Ali Al-Awsi objects to the idea of compulsory service, arguing that “it will perpetuate the militarization of society and transform it into a military society. The correct alternative is to work on their development, training and employment after reopening the factories to provide them with job opportunities.”
Former MP Fattah al-Sheikh shares his opinion, saying, "It is not possible to restore compulsory service in the presence of authoritarian ruling parties that want to maintain a weak government, especially the armed factions and armed factions."
An American demand The
writer Abbas Al-Moussawi believes that "the decision to cancel military service was not an Iraqi decision, but an American demand and an Israeli secret, and because of the collapse of the military system in 2003, it was agreed to cancel," adding, "As for restoring service, we are all with it with new controls, but I I do not imagine that anyone can restore service to this parliament and the current political situation."
In a related context, writer Fadel Ali Harf says, "If the compulsory service returns, it will be the largest door to corruption in Iraq," adding, "Leakage from the service and its failure to perform it by the affluent, will open the doors to bribery, and always turn a blind eye in exchange for money."
Political writer Haider al-Moussawi asserts that "the decision to cancel came with the approval of most leaders of blocs and parties opposed to the former regime before 2003, with its adoption by J. Karner, the American ruler, at the beginning of the occupation."
A number of deputies believe that restoring the mandatory service would lead to the re-melting of society again away from sectarianism and factionalism, and lead to national unity, but the “political Islam” parties do not want this because they are playing in the arena of sectarian conflict to achieve political goals, as he points out. Deputy Dhafer Al-Ani, according to the report. Ended 29/A 43
The military life in Iraq was characterized by intensity and continuous training, and the senior army officers raised the slogan "sweat training reduces the blood of battle", but the Iraqi army is one of the most blood-shedding Arab armies in the modern era.
It was established on January 6, 1921, with a census of a regiment called by the founders of the royal Iraqi state, "The Musa al-Kadhim Regiment," led by Lieutenant-General Jaafar al-Askari, who was named the first defense minister in the Iraqi army.
The development of the army coincided with the development of the state
And the military establishment developed rapidly as a result of the dream of the great founders to establish a strong state with a tight fence of the armed forces, and most of them were entrusted with the mandatory service of the flag, for long or short periods according to the country’s conditions and the challenges it faced, and it was prepared by the British, with Iraqi leaders who graduated in the " Astana, the Ottoman Empire, but they rose against it to obtain national independence, which historians described as legendary, to restore the Wilayat of Mosul, which the Ottomans demanded, and to install a Hashemite king in Hejaz, King Faisal bin Sharif Hussein, the King of the Arabs at the time, the Iraqi soldier, as described by Major General Abdel Wahhab Al-Qassab in advance to his colleague in the Republican Guard. Lieutenant-General Raad Al-Hamdani, in his book "Before History Leaves Us", it is "A profession and honor after it is honor, and the Iraqi soldier is distinguished, as she is the heir to long-standing glories, as if she had contributed to the formulation of the well-known Iraqi character, with her nose and fathers, who imposed characteristics that unite Iraqis of all their streaks and diversity.
The dissolution of the army is the greatest challenge faced by the Iraqi state
. Despite the longevity of the Iraqi military institution, and its national and historical contribution to building and defending the state, a serious event occurred to this institution with the dissolution of the Iraqi army in 2003, by the civil administrator, Paul Bremer, with Iraqi advice, which he repeatedly confirmed. Repeatedly, the dissolution of the army came in response to the demands of Iraqi forces, who were opposed to the Baath regime, and thought that the Iraqi army would turn against them at some point.
It is likely that the decision to abolish the conscription received popular approval, especially since the wars fought by Saddam Hussein’s regime since the eighties generated popular hatred, especially from the market of conscripts to units for long periods outside the prescribed mandatory service period, which ranges from six months for university graduates to A maximum period of one and a half years for others, while the compulsory service of those born in the fifties and sixties continued for more than 10 years.
The chaos of the regime and doctrine,
and after the fall of the regime in 2003, affiliation with the military institution became voluntary, while the ruling forces monopolized the granting of ranks and positions, to its followers, and the army remained captive to the whims and calculations of politicians, and it was joined by new factions and brigades, the Kurdish “Peshmerga” forces, and the “Popular Mobilization.” As regular, official forces later on by a decision voted by Parliament, and they are all run by the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the Prime Minister, in accordance with the Constitution.
Several challenges and problems caused its ineffectiveness and loss of command and control, as happened during the control of the terrorist organization "ISIS" in 2014 over a third of the country, with small numbers compared to the number of the Iraqi army, the federal police, and the special protections at the time, which exceeded 100 thousand members of the forces The armed forces in Mosul, which necessitated the imposition of “sufficient jihad” by the supreme authority represented by Ali al-Husseini al-Sistani, which was behind the formation of the “Popular Mobilization” that participated in the fight alongside the Iraqi armed forces against “ISIS” with a well-known doctrine, and incurred tens of thousands of victims in exchange for Edit all cities.
The widening chasm of societal discord and the phenomenon of unemployment
The volunteer army to fight ISIS He brought to mind the necessity of opening the doors of compulsory service, to impose a unified formula for the people to train in the field of arms, with the aim of eliminating class, sectarian, sectarian and regional differences, and unifying society in the training grounds.
unresolved questions
In the midst of this atmosphere, writer Hazem Farhan, according to a report by The Independent, saw that “there are no solutions to control young people except through compulsory service after graduation in colleges, similar to what some countries do, which allows young people to enter any college they wish to apply to after completing their studies. Compulsory service, for a small salary, we suffer from a problem of youth out of control.”
And the adoption of the compulsory service law, in return for appropriate incentives, with the employment of these recruits, while they are in service in construction and reconstruction projects, supported by the independent politician Hassan al-Abadi, who calls for the legislation of a new law for compulsory service, saying, “We see the proposal to pass the compulsory service law, which was supported by everyone, as an important step.” To reform our children and hold them accountable, but it is important to search for mechanisms that achieve this goal by coordinating with members of Parliament to pressure them and pass it into law.
But the independent politician Ali Al-Awsi objects to the idea of compulsory service, arguing that “it will perpetuate the militarization of society and transform it into a military society. The correct alternative is to work on their development, training and employment after reopening the factories to provide them with job opportunities.”
Former MP Fattah al-Sheikh shares his opinion, saying, "It is not possible to restore compulsory service in the presence of authoritarian ruling parties that want to maintain a weak government, especially the armed factions and armed factions."
An American demand The
writer Abbas Al-Moussawi believes that "the decision to cancel military service was not an Iraqi decision, but an American demand and an Israeli secret, and because of the collapse of the military system in 2003, it was agreed to cancel," adding, "As for restoring service, we are all with it with new controls, but I I do not imagine that anyone can restore service to this parliament and the current political situation."
In a related context, writer Fadel Ali Harf says, "If the compulsory service returns, it will be the largest door to corruption in Iraq," adding, "Leakage from the service and its failure to perform it by the affluent, will open the doors to bribery, and always turn a blind eye in exchange for money."
Political writer Haider al-Moussawi asserts that "the decision to cancel came with the approval of most leaders of blocs and parties opposed to the former regime before 2003, with its adoption by J. Karner, the American ruler, at the beginning of the occupation."
A number of deputies believe that restoring the mandatory service would lead to the re-melting of society again away from sectarianism and factionalism, and lead to national unity, but the “political Islam” parties do not want this because they are playing in the arena of sectarian conflict to achieve political goals, as he points out. Deputy Dhafer Al-Ani, according to the report. Ended 29/A 43
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