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[size=52]Abdul-Mahdi develops the tools of Abadi to organize the crowd: I am appointed by the head of the body[/size]
[size=45]Baghdad / Wael Ne'ma
[size=45]The recent Diwani order issued by Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi to regulate the conditions of popular mobilization does not raise any doubts about his intentions by carrying out a soft coup against the "crowd"[/size]
[size=45]As some interpretations have gone, except what was written at the tail of the decision and given himself the authority to appoint the head of the crowd.[/size]
[size=45]"The restructuring of the crowd," a phrase in the tenth and final paragraph of the government's resolution issued on Monday night, is what some political parties see as the beginning of a process of merging factions with security forces in preparation for a final resolution of the "crowd".[/size]
[size=45]It is known that the "crowd" is a military formation appeared irregularly after the fall of Mosul in the summer of 2014, and then was recognized through the law of the House of Representatives in 2016, which means that any attempt to cancel it must be through Parliament and a parallel decision to form.[/size]
[size=45]Abdul Mahdi's latest decision came as a result of the crisis between Tehran and Washington, and a few days after he issued recommendations to determine the movement of Iraqi and foreign troops inside the country, which coincided with rocket attacks on vital areas in the capital, military bases in northern Baghdad and oil installations in the south.[/size]
[size=45]It also coincided with the leak of information that the attacks on aircraft circling the pipelines in Saudi Arabia in mid-May, carried out from the cliff of victory (rock) previously south of Baghdad, which was categorically denied by the Iraqi government.[/size]
[size=45]In this context, Al-Adajibi, a member of the parliament's security and defense committee, believes in the statement that "Abdul-Mahdi's decision" is the first stage to integrate popular mobilization with the security forces and restore prestige to the military establishment. "Security forces are still in need of human support and popular mobilization can do so after conducting security checks for their personnel and their physical ability to do so," he said.[/size]
[size=45]Adel Abdul Mahdi, in his capacity as commander-in-chief of the armed forces in the recent Diwani order, decided to include all popular popular formations to the Iraqi armed forces and to close their headquarters both inside and outside the cities.[/size]
[size=45]Between Abdul Mahdi and Abadi[/size]
[size=45]Abdul Mahdi's decision is much different from his predecessor, Haidar al-Abadi, who issued two government lists on the same subject. In this regard, MP Yusuf al-Kalabi, a former military spokesman for the popular crowd, said in an interview with Al-Mada that the recent Diwani order is "codifying the former prime minister's instructions and setting a time limit". .[/size]
[size=45]The Prime Minister set the end of July as the deadline for the implementation of the ten items contained in the government document. Abdul-Mahdi's relationship was flexible with the "crowd" after years of tension and rupture at times between former Prime Minister Haider al-Abbadi and some factions of the crowd, culminating at the end of the latter's term, when Abadi, ) And managed the body itself in the wake of the coup against him and his alignment with the bloc of conquest in the recent legislative elections.[/size]
[size=45]Abdul Mahdi, who took office six months ago, decided to unify the salaries of the crowd with their counterparts in the security forces, which he was reluctant to implement until the last day of his government, because he did not get lists showing clearly the numbers of popular mobilization, according to some sources. Last May, Abadi attacked leaders of the popular crowd who said they had accumulated riches at the expense of public money in mysterious circumstances. Al-Abbadi asked in a television interview on Al-Iraqiya semi-official station about the source of property and real estate owned by these leaders. Abadi, two years after the adoption of the law on the mobilization of the parliament (began in 2016) orders to implement the law, which left the ends open and unclear. The orders were to regulate the situation of the crowd and headquarters fighters and the mechanism of selecting commanders, orders that apparently did not materialize, prompting Abdul-Mahdi to reassert them. But Yusuf al-Kalabi says that "all of Abadi's instructions have been applied and remained the cases dealt with by the last Diwani order of Abdul Mahdi."[/size]
[size=45]Restructuring[/size]
[size=45]In Abadi's government, reports of the possibility of dissolving the popular crowd or reducing the number of fighters to 40,000 or 25,000 troops were now leaked (now numbered between 120,000 and 150,000). The former leader of the crowd said the latter had "enacted a law from parliament and could only be abolished by law." He said the clause "restructuring the crowd" meant turning it into brigades and brigades "according to the well-known military hierarchy."[/size]
[size=45]Al-Kalabi said the crowd was holding important places in the desert and on the border with Syria and was suffering from a lack of preparation. "Any reduction in the numbers of popular mobilization will have a negative impact on security," he said.[/size]
[size=45]With the announcement of Abdul Mahdi, the last Diwani order, all political forces and even those associated with factions within the crowd, to support the resolution, which stressed in one of its provisions that "these units cut off individuals and formations of any political link or conspiracy of the previous organizations in the popular crowd. Most of the political forces that entered the legislative elections had announced last year to disengage from their military wings in compliance with the election laws, which do not allow any party that owns an armed faction to participate in the elections.[/size]
[size=45]Has the Peace Corps been dissolved?[/size]
[size=45]The leader of the Sadrist movement, Moqtada al-Sadr, all announced his disengagement from the Saraya peace, and requested the closure of its headquarters, according to the recent Diyala order of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi.[/size]
[size=45]The Sadr Declaration is the third of its kind. It has announced several times the solution and freeze of the Saraya and accepted the "Promised Day Brigade" in the media 2017, 2017 (after the announcement of victory) and finally in 2018, requiring each time that everyone obeys the orders of the government and not only the "Saraya".[/size]
[size=45]"The Prime Minister's statement regarding popular mobilization is important and a first step towards building a strong state that is not shaken by the wind here and there, but I am concerned that it has not been properly applied," Sadr said in a tweet on Twitter on Monday. .[/size]
[size=45]"What is important to me here too is that the peace brigades, which I ordered to establish earlier, are the first initiative for this, and immediately, and Abu Yasser, the application immediately, by closing the headquarters and canceling the name and other orders."[/size]
[size=45]A few hours later, Abu Jihad said, "In accordance with Sadr's reformist steps to preserve Iraq and the sovereignty of the state, I declare full implementation and immediate implementation of his order." He added that "the Peace Brigades was the most disciplined and committed military formation in all forums, but we should trust the steps of the master of reform and take over the public interest of Iraq in all personal interests."[/size]
[size=45]Abu Yasir did not elaborate on the next steps to implement the Sadr order. It is not known whether Muqtada al-Sadr's latest decision meant dissolving the Saraya or merely breaking a link. "It may issue further detailed instructions on this subject," says Adaji, a deputy from Sadr's bloc, which is affiliated with Sadr.[/size]
[size=45][You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
[/size][/size]
[size=52]Abdul-Mahdi develops the tools of Abadi to organize the crowd: I am appointed by the head of the body[/size]
[size=45]Baghdad / Wael Ne'ma
[size=45]The recent Diwani order issued by Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi to regulate the conditions of popular mobilization does not raise any doubts about his intentions by carrying out a soft coup against the "crowd"[/size]
[size=45]As some interpretations have gone, except what was written at the tail of the decision and given himself the authority to appoint the head of the crowd.[/size]
[size=45]"The restructuring of the crowd," a phrase in the tenth and final paragraph of the government's resolution issued on Monday night, is what some political parties see as the beginning of a process of merging factions with security forces in preparation for a final resolution of the "crowd".[/size]
[size=45]It is known that the "crowd" is a military formation appeared irregularly after the fall of Mosul in the summer of 2014, and then was recognized through the law of the House of Representatives in 2016, which means that any attempt to cancel it must be through Parliament and a parallel decision to form.[/size]
[size=45]Abdul Mahdi's latest decision came as a result of the crisis between Tehran and Washington, and a few days after he issued recommendations to determine the movement of Iraqi and foreign troops inside the country, which coincided with rocket attacks on vital areas in the capital, military bases in northern Baghdad and oil installations in the south.[/size]
[size=45]It also coincided with the leak of information that the attacks on aircraft circling the pipelines in Saudi Arabia in mid-May, carried out from the cliff of victory (rock) previously south of Baghdad, which was categorically denied by the Iraqi government.[/size]
[size=45]In this context, Al-Adajibi, a member of the parliament's security and defense committee, believes in the statement that "Abdul-Mahdi's decision" is the first stage to integrate popular mobilization with the security forces and restore prestige to the military establishment. "Security forces are still in need of human support and popular mobilization can do so after conducting security checks for their personnel and their physical ability to do so," he said.[/size]
[size=45]Adel Abdul Mahdi, in his capacity as commander-in-chief of the armed forces in the recent Diwani order, decided to include all popular popular formations to the Iraqi armed forces and to close their headquarters both inside and outside the cities.[/size]
[size=45]Between Abdul Mahdi and Abadi[/size]
[size=45]Abdul Mahdi's decision is much different from his predecessor, Haidar al-Abadi, who issued two government lists on the same subject. In this regard, MP Yusuf al-Kalabi, a former military spokesman for the popular crowd, said in an interview with Al-Mada that the recent Diwani order is "codifying the former prime minister's instructions and setting a time limit". .[/size]
[size=45]The Prime Minister set the end of July as the deadline for the implementation of the ten items contained in the government document. Abdul-Mahdi's relationship was flexible with the "crowd" after years of tension and rupture at times between former Prime Minister Haider al-Abbadi and some factions of the crowd, culminating at the end of the latter's term, when Abadi, ) And managed the body itself in the wake of the coup against him and his alignment with the bloc of conquest in the recent legislative elections.[/size]
[size=45]Abdul Mahdi, who took office six months ago, decided to unify the salaries of the crowd with their counterparts in the security forces, which he was reluctant to implement until the last day of his government, because he did not get lists showing clearly the numbers of popular mobilization, according to some sources. Last May, Abadi attacked leaders of the popular crowd who said they had accumulated riches at the expense of public money in mysterious circumstances. Al-Abbadi asked in a television interview on Al-Iraqiya semi-official station about the source of property and real estate owned by these leaders. Abadi, two years after the adoption of the law on the mobilization of the parliament (began in 2016) orders to implement the law, which left the ends open and unclear. The orders were to regulate the situation of the crowd and headquarters fighters and the mechanism of selecting commanders, orders that apparently did not materialize, prompting Abdul-Mahdi to reassert them. But Yusuf al-Kalabi says that "all of Abadi's instructions have been applied and remained the cases dealt with by the last Diwani order of Abdul Mahdi."[/size]
[size=45]Restructuring[/size]
[size=45]In Abadi's government, reports of the possibility of dissolving the popular crowd or reducing the number of fighters to 40,000 or 25,000 troops were now leaked (now numbered between 120,000 and 150,000). The former leader of the crowd said the latter had "enacted a law from parliament and could only be abolished by law." He said the clause "restructuring the crowd" meant turning it into brigades and brigades "according to the well-known military hierarchy."[/size]
[size=45]Al-Kalabi said the crowd was holding important places in the desert and on the border with Syria and was suffering from a lack of preparation. "Any reduction in the numbers of popular mobilization will have a negative impact on security," he said.[/size]
[size=45]With the announcement of Abdul Mahdi, the last Diwani order, all political forces and even those associated with factions within the crowd, to support the resolution, which stressed in one of its provisions that "these units cut off individuals and formations of any political link or conspiracy of the previous organizations in the popular crowd. Most of the political forces that entered the legislative elections had announced last year to disengage from their military wings in compliance with the election laws, which do not allow any party that owns an armed faction to participate in the elections.[/size]
[size=45]Has the Peace Corps been dissolved?[/size]
[size=45]The leader of the Sadrist movement, Moqtada al-Sadr, all announced his disengagement from the Saraya peace, and requested the closure of its headquarters, according to the recent Diyala order of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi.[/size]
[size=45]The Sadr Declaration is the third of its kind. It has announced several times the solution and freeze of the Saraya and accepted the "Promised Day Brigade" in the media 2017, 2017 (after the announcement of victory) and finally in 2018, requiring each time that everyone obeys the orders of the government and not only the "Saraya".[/size]
[size=45]"The Prime Minister's statement regarding popular mobilization is important and a first step towards building a strong state that is not shaken by the wind here and there, but I am concerned that it has not been properly applied," Sadr said in a tweet on Twitter on Monday. .[/size]
[size=45]"What is important to me here too is that the peace brigades, which I ordered to establish earlier, are the first initiative for this, and immediately, and Abu Yasser, the application immediately, by closing the headquarters and canceling the name and other orders."[/size]
[size=45]A few hours later, Abu Jihad said, "In accordance with Sadr's reformist steps to preserve Iraq and the sovereignty of the state, I declare full implementation and immediate implementation of his order." He added that "the Peace Brigades was the most disciplined and committed military formation in all forums, but we should trust the steps of the master of reform and take over the public interest of Iraq in all personal interests."[/size]
[size=45]Abu Yasir did not elaborate on the next steps to implement the Sadr order. It is not known whether Muqtada al-Sadr's latest decision meant dissolving the Saraya or merely breaking a link. "It may issue further detailed instructions on this subject," says Adaji, a deputy from Sadr's bloc, which is affiliated with Sadr.[/size]
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