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The new government has prospects for developing protest
13/8/2018 12:00 am [rtl]Ibrahim Abadi Since 2004, the governments of Iraq have been formed with or without general elections, by regional and international consensus. After understandings between the political blocs and with international intervention, and direct and indirect signals from the religious authority, five governments ruled at least 25 ministers or more. The participation of a party, a party or a bloc of all social components and forces, this year 2018 entered a new pressure factor on the composition of the government, the religious authority calls for a strong, firm and courageous prime minister, and the representative of UN Secretary-General Jan Kubic calls - in his periodic report to the Security Council - to The advent of a strong prime minister, while Jem insists The protests against the new specifications of the government apparatus take on the ability to accomplish, solve problems, address grievances and achieve justice and development in a reasonable manner. The political forces that are negotiating the formation of the government have found themselves face to face with popular demands amid anger and resentment at the performance of the political class in general, so their options are limited. They are forced to take the demands of the people and their protests covered by the clear support of the reference and moral weight. Its presence and quotas in power and administrations, and is not prepared to give up. The real test of the parties in their response to the demands and the voice of the people or not will appear in the negotiations to form a government, so the blocs set the candidate for prime minister and then agree on the ministerial lineup and vote on the government cab and then monitor its work through parliament. In the past, government posts were assigned figures that were deducted from the total number of political blocs and according to their political maturity. The presidency of the ministers and the sovereign ministries (digital pricing) differed from the non-sovereign ministries and therefore there was a political custom in distributing leadership positions in the state to the level of agents, consultants, To all the parties involved in the political process and if a small or large group feel that it is overwhelmed, its media voice will be raised by protest and the land will be made up of contacts, pressures and accusations until it is satisfied and convinced. This "participatory" or "harmonious" Because the people hated it and the parties did not regret it very much because it is a reality that can not be easily jumped unless the ideas and methods of participation in power change. If they are not part of the ministry, they do not exist. The ministry is the decision maker, the planner, the contractor, the contractor and the agent. Formation of the largest mass and after formation Now that we have reached the crossroads, do the political forces continue the same approach that they have become accustomed to? Or will it change the nature of its abuse with responsibilities and political and public functions? From the nature of the signals and statements we understand that the change is very limited, because the desire for positions and seats high despite the curse of the street and the abuse and the intensity of criticism directed at the political class, and if there is compliance and desire to implement the demands of the angry street, the nature of the political structure will hinder this change, as the Kurds understand the participation in power They have a presence according to their entitlement in the ministries and the structures of the Supreme State, and if slightly reduced the ceiling of their claims increased their voice accusing the other powers (Shiites) that they do not abide by the Constitution and do not abide by partnership, and the same applies to Sunni forces, which are still pursued by the node (marginalization) For an event to grab the political rights of the component to obtain positions and ministries that qualify them to participate in decisions and public policies. The Shiites who are accused by the public of the great default find themselves between responding to the demands of the public and giving up quotas and sharing power and the necessities of balancing the presence of others by highlighting political figures, not technocrats, because technocrats are weak and unprotected only by relying on a supportive political side. The prime minister remains subject to the quarrels and bargains of many , Although it is a serious and serious responsibility in a difficult situation, as it is impossible to find those who do not claim to be strong and courageous, although experience and relative success can prove the validity of this claim or not, but aspiring to focus on the specifications The person without the curriculum, and the case that personal specifications are not meaningful in isolation from the surrounding circumstances and the ability to face problems with wisdom and the will and know-how. It is likely that the parties and blocs will continue to adopt the same method adopted to spin the government formation, and that it is far from thinking about changing the curriculum, plans and programs, that the problem of Iraq has been and remains in the weakness of the ability to manage resources and policies efficiently because of the method of selection of people and distribution of quotas, and the previous experience was disappointing to the public And his religious authority as he awaits a government cabaret to achieve a miracle. Are the political forces really aware of the lessons of protest, or do they need to "develop methods of protest" to bow down?[/rtl] [rtl][You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] [/rtl] |
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