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Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Welcome to the Neno's Place!

Neno's Place Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality


Neno

I can be reached by phone or text 8am-7pm cst 972-768-9772 or, once joining the board I can be reached by a (PM) Private Message.

Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

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Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

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    Foreign Affairs: Iran and Saudi Arabia... Can they bring peace to the Middle East?

    rocky
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    Foreign Affairs: Iran and Saudi Arabia... Can they bring peace to the Middle East? Empty Foreign Affairs: Iran and Saudi Arabia... Can they bring peace to the Middle East?

    Post by rocky Wed 04 Aug 2021, 7:43 am

    [size=30]Foreign Affairs: Iran and Saudi Arabia... Can they bring peace to the Middle East?[/size]
    There is a long way to go for the two sides to heal, but the emerging rapprochement presents the best chance for the return of regional stability in the Middle East. 


    [You must be registered and logged in to see this image.]Foreign Affairs: Iran and Saudi Arabia... Can they bring peace to the Middle East?
     
    Erbil (Kurdistan 24) - How can Iran and Saudi Arabia work together to bring peace to the Middle East? The US monthly Foreign Affairs magazine published an article jointly by Loli Nasr of Johns Hopkins University and Maria Fantabi of the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue in which they said diplomacy is between the two prominent enemies. It may be of help amid the US withdrawal from the region.
    No one can deny the shift in Washington: The Middle East is no longer a top priority for the United States. The United States' withdrawal from the broader Middle East is evident from the departure of U.S. forces from Afghanistan, reductions in missions in Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, as well as a focus on China and Russia.
    The authors believe that there are good reasons for this transformation, even if we take the history of the American presence in the region, but it carries with it other risks. The rapid departure of the United States from Iraq in 2011, for example, paved the way for the emergence of the “Islamic State” organization and the expansion of Iran's regional footprints.
    Even after the United States reduced its commitments in the region, the Middle East conflicts have entered a new and dangerous phase. Iran and Israel are locked in a shadow war of cyber attacks and targeted assassination. Turkey and Russia support proxy wars in Libya and Syria.
    New missile technology has reached non-state actors such as Hamas, the Iranian-backed Iraqi militias, and the Houthis in Yemen. Both Turkey and Iran have made huge leaps in manufacturing capabilities of drones. With the spread of this technology in the Middle East, conflicts become dangerous and unpredictable. The more the conflict spirals out of control, the more likely the United States will come back to deal with the aftermath.
    But the most dangerous rivalries and the most threatening to the stability of the region are the ones between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which emerged from the Levant to the Gulf region and caused polarization between Sunnis and Shiites and created fault lines between Arabs and Persians. The long conflict began with the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, to the civil wars in Syria and Yemen, and the nuclear agreement signed with Tehran in 2015.
    The two sides are still beating the war drums in Yemen and competing for positions in Iraq and Lebanon, and there is a possibility of competition in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of US forces and the Taliban's control of the regions. Despite all this, prominent military and security officials from Saudi Arabia and Iran met in Baghdad,
    Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi used his relationship with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Tehran to bring the two sides together. Soon, Mohammed bin Salman expressed a "conciliatory" tone, saying that he wanted "good relations" with Iran and expressed openness to dialogue with the Iranian-backed Houthis.
    Since April, additional meetings have taken place out of sight, with the participation of high-level officials, including the commander of the Quds Force. After a pause due to the Iranian elections, the dialogues are expected to resume again, and after President Ibrahim Raisi assumed the presidency this month. There is a long way to go for the two sides to heal, but the emerging rapprochement presents the best chance in several years for the return of regional stability in the Middle East. The United States would benefit greatly from diplomatic moves that would lead both sides in the right direction.
    Although Washington is not on the table, it can provide important support to the process and provide a mixture of support and reassurances to Saudi Arabia - with the main objective of not bringing the reduction of the US presence in the region a new disaster in the Middle East. Perhaps Riyadh used the dialogue to appease Washington and present itself as a constructive regional player, or buy time to strengthen itself and find ways to confront the Iranian marches. But Riyadh has good reasons to bury differences with Tehran.
    Finally, the United States can assist the dialogue by providing reassurances and assurances to Saudi Arabia that it will be protected from any direct Iranian attack. It may help by assuring Iran that instead of an unconditional exit from Afghanistan, withdrawal depends on permanent security agreements with its Arab neighbors and a halt to attacks on Saudi assets and lands.
    Above all, America must convince the two sides that dialogue is in the interests of both sides, from the Saudi side, American guarantees to Riyadh and a lesser American military presence on the side of Iran. The two goals are not contradictory. The United States has an extensive military presence in Saudi Arabia without security commitments. His shortcomings were evident in the Iranian attacks against Saudi oil facilities.
    Hence, Washington should aim for a lower military presence and with clear commitments to Saudi security. Such efforts will increase momentum, advance the required steps, build confidence, create facts on the ground, and build building blocks for a regional security architecture that will remain after the United States leaves the Middle East.
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