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Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

Welcome to the Neno's Place!

Neno's Place Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality


Neno

I can be reached by phone or text 8am-7pm cst 972-768-9772 or, once joining the board I can be reached by a (PM) Private Message.

Established in 2006 as a Community of Reality

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    Corruption in Iraq continues even after the war with «urging»

    Rocky
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     Corruption in Iraq continues even after the war with «urging» Empty Corruption in Iraq continues even after the war with «urging»

    Post by Rocky Sat 07 Jul 2018, 9:35 am

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    2018/07/07 16:18


    (Encyclopedia of this day , news | [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] ) - Iraqis differ on many things, but they agree on the issue that they live in one of themost corrupt countries in the world, they see themselves as victims of an underdeveloped country, where hundreds of billions of dollars disappeared into the pockets of the ruling elite over the years For the past 15 years, while the rest of the population suffers from a lack of everything from jobs and homes to water and electricity.

    In an article published in the British Independent newspaper, writer Patrick Coburn said that popular anger against the political class that came to power in 2003 explains the progress of the movement of the followers of the Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, who calls for political and social reform in the parliamentary elections in May last .

    However, the low voter turnout of only 44.5 percent demonstrates the conviction of a large segment of the population that nothing big will change whatever form the next government is.

    It is impossible to say how frustrated Iraqis who know they are living in a potential rich country are OPEC's second-largest oil producer, but they see their wealth stolen from their eyes year after year.

    He said he was in Ramadi, capital of Anbar province, west of Baghdad. He met a retired engineer who had just finished rebuilding his house, which was destroyed in an air strike. "I did it myself and I did not get any compensation from the government," he said.

    He added bitterly that some of their homes were largely intact and had received compensation, because otherwise they bribed the officials concerned, and then shouted, "Write that Iraq has no government, they are all thieves."

    Traders in the capital Baghdad say they have lost confidence in the government because of its lack of credibility, and because of rampant corruption, they "demand bribery everywhere."

    In addition, the volume of services provided by the government even in the high-end areas is very low, and this is evident in the piles of garbage accumulated in the streets as well as the lack of electricity and water supplies.

    Young people, "lost generations, can not marry because they have no jobs and no prospects unless they know someone in the government."

    Strange examples of government thefts have been repeated since a new class of leaders, mostly Shiites and Kurds, took over power in Iraq after the US invasion.

    One example is that between 2004 and 2005, when the Iraqi government was supposed to be fighting, the $ 1.3 billion military procurement budget disappeared.

    A few years later, he said, under intense suicide attacks, police at checkpoints in Baghdad were trying to find car bombs with a useless device costing a few dollars and buying them for tens of thousands of dollars.

    How did successive governments escape these blatant thefts? He says they have managed to divert the attention of citizens from their theft of oil revenues by claiming that the war against al-Qaeda and then the Islamic state is the only important thing, calling for solidarity with the Shiites and Kurds in northern Iraq.

    But a year later, he said, these are no longer valid. Security is at its best since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. Iraqis are more aware than ever of the failure of the leadership and the state apparatus.

    "The curse of corruption is not unique in their countries. All countries that derive their wealth from the exploitation of their natural resources do likewise. The members of the ruling ruling elite enter the state's revenues and cling to their claws as much as they can.

    He explains that the excessive spending imposed by the ruling circles in these countries is notorious, but not the only beneficiary. All these countries have large welfare systems, where a large number of people get jobs or receive salaries despite the lack of work.

    Iraqis and Saudis may condemn corruption in ruling elites, but millions of them have a stake in the regime, giving it some stability. In Iraq, for example, 4.5 million Iraqis work for the state, jobs that others would like.

    The call by some political leaders for reform and the fight against corruption is dangerous to their political gains, because the networks of corruption and nepotism have long imposed themselves and carried out many powerful people and parties.

    The author argues that "anti-corruption campaigns" in Iraq are often just one group of wealthy actors trying to replace another group in government.

    The system of patronage is the only way many Iraqis get a share of oil revenues, and will resist depriving them of this in the supposed interest of creating a more functional system.

    In Iraq, corruption mechanisms work in a slightly different way from any other place because of the role of political parties. "The appearance of Saleh, financial adviser to Prime Minister Haider Abadi, told me that" unless the political system is changed, it is impossible to fight corruption. "

    He said the reason was that the parties were using the government ministries they controlled as cash cows and care machines to maintain their authority.

    "Corruption can not be eliminated in Iraq, but it can be less destructive, and corruption will remain, but in the future Iraqis can at least hope to get something for their money," he concluded.


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