[size=45][size=41]Al-Barti “reaps what he wants from the framework.” Sunni leaders want to overthrow Al-Halbousi at the price of their financial cities shares[/size]
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Since his election as an MP for Basra Governorate, Mustafa Sanad has been known for his boldness and behind him a supportive audience there who feels that this province is abundant in oil and cancer together and does not obtain its financial rights in the state's general budgets.
The feeling of injustice has prevailed in these southern and central cities for decades, and many residents there do not find a specific explanation when they compare their service and economic reality with the cities of the Kurdistan region.
Now, Mustafa Sanad appeared frustrated as he revealed the reasons for this distinction.
He said, in a recent televised interview, that there are secret agreements between the “coordinating framework” that forms the current government, and the Kurdish forces ruling the Kurdistan region that include not giving the region a share in the financial budget, which he deems unfair, or at least it must be controlled by a law obligating Erbil to pay imports. Oil set for Baghdad for what you get.
Rather, he says, there are items that include spending 400 billion dinars for Kurdistan over its share in the budget.
And when the Parliamentary Finance Committee tried, according to Sanad, to restrict these items to the law, representatives of the Kurdish forces replied that this is an agreement with the “coordinating framework” and these items will come back again even if the Finance Committee cancels them.
Mustafa Sanad said that his resort to the media aims to clarify the public opinion in order to avoid accusing him of being silent, and what he touched on was hesitation in the form of questions laden with feelings of lack of fairness in southern and central Iraq.
Since 2003, the Kurdish forces, specifically the Kurdistan Democratic Party headed by Masoud Barzani, have had sway over the ruling Shiite forces, including those that show defiant stances in times of crisis.
There are many reasons for this, including the historical relationship between these forces dating back to the period of opposition to Saddam Hussein's regime, in addition to the realization of the Shiite forces that in Erbil there is a personality that has gained from the nature of the mountains stubbornness in understanding what it feels is right for it, and these are characteristics that the individual acquires from his geographical environment, as determined by sociologists. .
The whole of the Kurds is like this, and there is no one in Erbil that can be bought easily or controlled by temptations. History there is always visible, and any person is exposed to losing his social and political value only if people call him a nickname of the type of word “Jahsh”, which is the stigma attached to the Kurdish who works against the interest of the Kurds. in general or prefer others to them.
Even when there are internal disputes, and if a party needs the aid of a non-Kurdish party, it does not give up its national interests, especially those related to the public's livelihood.
As for the Sunni cities of western Iraq, the situation today is different.
The “coordination framework” agreed with a party led by Muhammad al-Halbousi, who is affiliated with the Sovereignty Alliance, the largest Sunni force, on provisions relating to the cities and provinces recovered from the “ISIS” organization, in order to establish stability and rebuild them.
But he disavowed. Al-Halbousi showed his opposition and took several positions, but he seemed alone, and the “framework” would not have practiced this policy if the Sunnis were like the Kurds.
The reason is the presence of Sunni leaders who are sure that the success of Muhammad al-Halbousi's policy in consolidating the rights of the Sunni cities of western and northern Iraq means solving the most prominent social, living and economic problems there, and they fear a repeat of the Anbar experience, which changed its reality and then gave him the majority of its parliamentary seats.
These people, and some of them were merchants and businessmen before entering the world of politics, consider the matter as a personal deal.
The overthrow of Muhammad al-Halbousi at any cost and any agreement is the personal success they seek.
What caught the attention of observers is that these Sunni leaders do not have a clear project or plan that bears their fingerprints, even to achieve what they aspire to. Rather, they are waiting for the Shiite forces to do so.
Some Shiite forces also have their own reasons for doing this, and it was once said from within the political corridors that these forces do not want a strong Sunni leader working according to a project that goes beyond what was known about many Iraqi politicians after 2003 regarding the preference for personal and partisan interests.
What the residents of the cities and west of Iraq that are connected to a great desert know, and it appears through their conversations on the communication sites, is that Al-Halbousi’s projects for reconstruction and stabilization are met by counter-movements that come quickly, including threatening him personally and firing missiles at his residence in Karma, and currently declaring the intention to isolate him.
Among the theories of sociology, too, is that the desert grows in the individual residing in it or around it solidity, farsightedness, and striking discrimination.
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