[size=30]Report: Al-Sudani seeks to contain the internal differences between the Sunni and Kurdish houses
[ltr]2023.04.13 - 11:36[/ltr]
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[ltr]2023.04.13 - 11:36[/ltr]
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Baghdad - Nas
Although the three Iraqi constituent houses (Shia, Sunni, and Kurdish) represent the political and parliamentary coalition that formed the current government headed by Muhammad Shia al-Sudani, this coalition (the State Administration Coalition) is not unified in terms of its internal composition, according to a report by Asharq Al-Awsat.
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The report, which was followed by "NAS", (April 13, 2023), says, "Some of the differences within the parties to each component seem to be in second place, compared to the first goal, which is everyone's agreement to support the government because it is the government of these forces, especially after the withdrawal of the Sadrist movement, the first winner in the The elections (73 deputies) and the inability of independents (about 50 deputies) to form a strong opposition bloc in Parliament. The remarkable irony is that the Shiite, Kurdish and Sunni forces that make up the state administration coalition still find it in their interest to support the government because the alternative will be completely unknown."
Following is the text of the report:
The Coordination Framework, which is the largest parliamentary bloc in the absence of Quali al-Sadr against him, has begun to bear the weight of all its parties despite the differences within it, some of which rise to the point of disagreement behind the government and its president, whose reform steps have received remarkable regional and international support, which has strengthened the cohesion of the coalition behind it, whether It was the bloc that nominated him (the coordination framework) or the Kurdish and Sunni partners. In addition, the set of reforms and measures that Al-Sudani is taking, whether in terms of economic or service reform or combating corruption, has become tangible to a large extent.
Al-Sudani faced several complex problems when he formed the government, and some of them were the first test of his ability to confront and overcome them, or that they could overthrow him before he completed the first hundred days. Those betting on the failure of his government were hoping that al-Sadr would move during that period, driven by what appeared to be convincing arguments for action, especially the issue of the unprecedented rise in dollar prices, the repercussions of the "theft of the century" or the services file. But al-Sadr did not move, and his position remained vague until now, despite his involvement in religious issues, with some hints here and there about political or general matters, but they do not affect the government in any way.
The hopes of those who bet on a counter-Sadr position faded, especially from the civil forces that increased their rejection of the government and the political forces behind it, after Parliament enacted the election law that adopted the St. Lego system, which is rejected by independent representatives and civil forces, while the Sadrists did not express any position on it. Among the issues that drew attention was al-Sadr's request to the first-line leaders in his office and those close to him not to travel outside the country during the month of Ramadan, waiting for something, while the government's wheel is moving forward in light of what is planned according to the government program.
The most important thing is that the files faced by Al-Sudani began to gradually decline. Dollar prices, which reached their maximum levels about two months ago, have now begun to decline to a level that is approaching the government's decision to reduce the price of the dollar to 132 dinars per dollar. In addition, integrity measures in the field of combating corruption began to approach senior officials, including ministers, governors and businessmen, whether in terms of arrest warrants, recruitment or issuance of prison sentences. The service side also began to witness a revival, which made Al-Sudani’s situation in a sound position, whether towards his partners (the direct Shiites within the coordination framework or indirect ones such as the Kurds and Sunnis) or towards his government’s opponents or those who have been silent about it until now.
In the context of this, the “coordinating framework” appears to be in a comfortable position because it has begun to reap the successes of al-Sudani at the domestic, regional or international levels, but the problems within the Sunni and Kurdish houses are still great and even began to expand, which could affect the government’s situation, which made al-Sudani do Regarding the Sunni and Kurdish partners, they play two roles at the same time. On the one hand, he wants, through an understanding with them as two main partners within the coalition supporting his government, which includes about two-thirds of the members of parliament, to ensure the implementation of the government program and the ministerial curriculum and all the necessary laws and legislation that require a parliamentary majority. On the other hand, overcoming the special obstacles among them, and not at the level of their position on the implementation of this program. Both the Sunni and Kurdish partners praise al-Sudani's actions in terms of implementing the political agreement paper, but the problem that the political agreement is now facing is obstacles from within the Kurdish and Sunni houses.
Two days ago, Al-Sudani met with the Deputy President of the Kurdistan Regional Government, Qubad Talabani, who is a leader in the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Before that, he met with the President of the Region, Nechirvan Barzani, and the President of the Regional Government, Masrour Barzani. And all the three meetings centered on the Kurdish-Kurdish differences that could be hindered if the government's efforts in the reform and development processes continued.
In terms of age, it is not much different. Al-Sudani, and because of what is indicated about his disagreement with Parliament Speaker Muhammad al-Halbousi regarding the powers, held three meetings with him in the presence of prominent political figures, including the head of the “Hikma Movement” Ammar al-Hakim and the head of the judiciary, Faiq Zaidan, with the aim of settling the differences. However, Al-Halbousi's main problem does not appear to be with Al-Sudani as much as it is within his partners in the Sunni house.
In this context, Al-Sudani met yesterday with the leader of the "Azm" coalition, Muthanna Al-Samarrai, and the leader in the coalition, Ahmed Al-Jubouri, and both parties have major differences with Al-Halbousi, which makes the Prime Minister continue his efforts to achieve a degree of harmony so that he can implement his government's program in all of Iraq, including The Kurdistan region, whose leaderships differ, and the Sunni western provinces, whose leadership disputes are still ongoing, while the financial budget is at the gates that require a degree of consensus in order to spend money according to the program, in light of the continuing talk about financial corruption that has already devoured the country’s previous budgets without achieving much. This is what Al-Sudani categorically rejects.
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