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[size=36]The sources of power and authority in Iraq are a deep, not deep, country[/size]
Local | 08:44 - 05/22/2024
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Munqith Dagher
, I mentioned in the previous article that whoever drafted the Iraqi Constitution, and in line with his bitter historical experience with the state, was apparently convinced that the political future of its sectarian or ethnic component should not be guaranteed by the state today (because of what they believe is their historical injustice to it), but rather guaranteed by it. They have their own constituent organizations that are not controlled by the state. This was practically embodied in political practices in Iraq, and not only in the Constitutional Code, which previously explained how it sided with the power of the components rather than the power of the state. Instead of being the primary source of state power, it has become one of the sources of the state's weakness vis-à-vis its competing political players.
Many political practices (some of which even violated the constitution) reflected the componential philosophy of post-2003 Iraqi politics. For example, the practice of “component” quotas has now become more important than the legal and constitutional texts of the state. For example, many corruption files involving political blocs and influential people were closed in exchange for turning a blind eye to other corruption scandals involving representatives of the other components. It has become the norm to vote in Parliament and make decisions in the ministries and their affiliated directorates on the basis of the interest of the constituents (as seen by their political representatives), even if this leads to harm to the state. Indeed, the state's bureaucratic machine, with its various arms, was swallowed up by vertical (sectarian) and horizontal (within sectarian) quotas. The separation between politics and administration was completely lost, until administration became a reflection or echo of the components and not a reflection or echo of state policy. The situation has reached the point where directors of directorates, divisions, and administrative departments, even simple ones, are appointed on the basis of sectarian allegiances first and party loyalties second. Thus, the Spoil System replaced the Merit System in the Iraqi bureaucracy. Meaning that the infrastructure of the Iraqi state, represented by the bureaucratic apparatus, was demolished until the prevailing view of the Iraqi administration became that it was corrupt and inefficient.
In contrast to this state with broken foundations, many organizations and political forces parallel to the state were established and developed, which later became stronger than it, and even its master. Take, for example, the so-called economic offices of the parties in power. Take, for example, the directors of the offices of ministers, deputy ministers, and general directors in the Iraqi state. These two offices (the Economist and the Director of the Administrative Officer's Office) have turned into something similar to the political and administrative kitchen of that ministry or directorate. All basic contracts and decisions related to the work of the ministries and their subordinates must pass through this kitchen, which boils, grills, or cooks them according to the desire of the constituent and/or party and not according to the state’s need.
Quota practices that weakened the state were not limited to its bureaucratic apparatus, but rather extended to the major institutions of the state as well as its executive apparatus. Take, for example, one of the leaders of the (armed) political parties who publicly declares that the Prime Minister is a general director in the hands of the parties in power. They move him as they please and he implements for them what they decide and not what the state or its president decides!! This is an armed faction that enters and occupies the Green Zone, and even storms the camp of the most important security apparatus (anti-terrorism) and arrests its officers because they challenged the authority of that faction. Then that faction does not content itself with this, not even trampling on the photo of the Prime Minister with its gunmen’s feet, but rather publicly threatens to cut off the Prime Minister’s ear. Before that, the head of one of the most important political blocs that participated in “state building” in Iraq after 2003 admitted through the media that they (i.e. the political parties) contributed to weakening the judicial authority through their continuous interference in its decisions!! As for the other extremely important institution of the state (Parliament), it has lost the trust of the people it represents for a long time, to the point that the highest degree of trust it has gained from the people over the past two decades was around 25%, while it was between 10-20% in most opinion polls. The year conducted from 2005 until today. Perhaps the dismissal of the Speaker of Parliament by the Federal Court due to accusations of forgery (imagine the Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament is a forger), and then Parliament’s inability to elect a replacement for him after more than seven months, with the unfortunate events that accompanied this in the session to elect the replacement, is further evidence of the weakness and frailty of the Iraqi state and its institutions. And the strength and supremacy of its political rivals. The Iraqi state has become the puppet of its competing parties and forces, and talk about a state parallel to the state of Iraq, or a deep state within the state of Iraq, has become an incorrect talk and reality. There is actually an alternative and obstructive state that actually rules Iraq. The state of Iraq, as it appears today, is drowned, while the alternative state is strong and deep.
, I mentioned in the previous article that whoever drafted the Iraqi Constitution, and in line with his bitter historical experience with the state, was apparently convinced that the political future of its sectarian or ethnic component should not be guaranteed by the state today (because of what they believe is their historical injustice to it), but rather guaranteed by it. They have their own constituent organizations that are not controlled by the state. This was practically embodied in political practices in Iraq, and not only in the Constitutional Code, which previously explained how it sided with the power of the components rather than the power of the state. Instead of being the primary source of state power, it has become one of the sources of the state's weakness vis-à-vis its competing political players.
Many political practices (some of which even violated the constitution) reflected the componential philosophy of post-2003 Iraqi politics. For example, the practice of “component” quotas has now become more important than the legal and constitutional texts of the state. For example, many corruption files involving political blocs and influential people were closed in exchange for turning a blind eye to other corruption scandals involving representatives of the other components. It has become the norm to vote in Parliament and make decisions in the ministries and their affiliated directorates on the basis of the interest of the constituents (as seen by their political representatives), even if this leads to harm to the state. Indeed, the state's bureaucratic machine, with its various arms, was swallowed up by vertical (sectarian) and horizontal (within sectarian) quotas. The separation between politics and administration was completely lost, until administration became a reflection or echo of the components and not a reflection or echo of state policy. The situation has reached the point where directors of directorates, divisions, and administrative departments, even simple ones, are appointed on the basis of sectarian allegiances first and party loyalties second. Thus, the Spoil System replaced the Merit System in the Iraqi bureaucracy. Meaning that the infrastructure of the Iraqi state, represented by the bureaucratic apparatus, was demolished until the prevailing view of the Iraqi administration became that it was corrupt and inefficient.
In contrast to this state with broken foundations, many organizations and political forces parallel to the state were established and developed, which later became stronger than it, and even its master. Take, for example, the so-called economic offices of the parties in power. Take, for example, the directors of the offices of ministers, deputy ministers, and general directors in the Iraqi state. These two offices (the Economist and the Director of the Administrative Officer's Office) have turned into something similar to the political and administrative kitchen of that ministry or directorate. All basic contracts and decisions related to the work of the ministries and their subordinates must pass through this kitchen, which boils, grills, or cooks them according to the desire of the constituent and/or party and not according to the state’s need.
Quota practices that weakened the state were not limited to its bureaucratic apparatus, but rather extended to the major institutions of the state as well as its executive apparatus. Take, for example, one of the leaders of the (armed) political parties who publicly declares that the Prime Minister is a general director in the hands of the parties in power. They move him as they please and he implements for them what they decide and not what the state or its president decides!! This is an armed faction that enters and occupies the Green Zone, and even storms the camp of the most important security apparatus (anti-terrorism) and arrests its officers because they challenged the authority of that faction. Then that faction does not content itself with this, not even trampling on the photo of the Prime Minister with its gunmen’s feet, but rather publicly threatens to cut off the Prime Minister’s ear. Before that, the head of one of the most important political blocs that participated in “state building” in Iraq after 2003 admitted through the media that they (i.e. the political parties) contributed to weakening the judicial authority through their continuous interference in its decisions!! As for the other extremely important institution of the state (Parliament), it has lost the trust of the people it represents for a long time, to the point that the highest degree of trust it has gained from the people over the past two decades was around 25%, while it was between 10-20% in most opinion polls. The year conducted from 2005 until today. Perhaps the dismissal of the Speaker of Parliament by the Federal Court due to accusations of forgery (imagine the Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament is a forger), and then Parliament’s inability to elect a replacement for him after more than seven months, with the unfortunate events that accompanied this in the session to elect the replacement, is further evidence of the weakness and frailty of the Iraqi state and its institutions. And the strength and supremacy of its political rivals. The Iraqi state has become the puppet of its competing parties and forces, and talk about a state parallel to the state of Iraq, or a deep state within the state of Iraq, has become an incorrect talk and reality. There is actually an alternative and obstructive state that actually rules Iraq. The state of Iraq, as it appears today, is drowned, while the alternative state is strong and deep.
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