Iraq's Maliki Drops Struggle for Power
Outgoing Prime Minister Does Not Participate in Negotiations for New Government
BAGHDAD—Iraq's outgoing prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, appears to have dropped his quixotic struggle to remain in power over the past week and is resigned instead to remaining a member of parliament insulated from prosecution.
Fears that Mr. Maliki might play the spoiler in the new government have largely receded since his initial reaction to the appointment of Haider al-Abadi to replace him. The night before Mr. Abadi's appointment, Mr. Maliki called out his security forces in Baghdad in what looked like preparations for a coup.
Now Mr. Maliki meets with Mr. Abadi daily and advises him about the formation of a new cabinet, said Hussein Al-Marabi, a parliamentarian from the Shiite Islamist Fadhila Party. However other leaders of Shiite parties said Mr. Maliki doesn't take part in the negotiations on forming a new government even though he continues to lead the powerful Shiite-dominated State of Law coalition.
"He feels bitterness about losing and it's not easy for him to accept it," said Ali Al Adeeb, a senior member of Mr. Maliki's Dawa Party. "He would prefer to stay as a member of parliament and he won't accept any other position in the new government."
Neither Mr. Maliki nor his spokesman could be reached for comment.
But those who have known Mr. Maliki from childhood recognize his trademark stubbornness in the current scenario.
As a child in a dusty, riverside hamlet of Janajeh, the young Mr. Maliki would simply stop playing ball if a new player whom he didn't like entered his game, said Shaker Jaber Abdul Hussain, 64, who grew up with the prime minister. Or the boy who villagers called the "decision maker" would storm off on his own and start a new game by himself, he recalled.
Still his current posture offers a measure of stability for a political transition at a time of crisis after Sunni insurgents took over a fourth of the country in just a few months.
Mr. Maliki will remain in the executive post until Sept. 9, the day before the deadline for Mr. Ababi to submit a new cabinet of ministers to parliament for approval.
The outgoing prime minister's behavior speaks volumes about how Iraq has been managed over the past eight years and the state of the nation he leaves behind, said Kirk Sowell, publisher of the Inside Iraqi Politics newsletter.
Any effort by Mr. Abadi to form the kind of inclusive government that could have a hope of reforming the country will need to dismantle the patronage and sectarian favoritism that Mr. Maliki built to concentrate power on his office.
During his eight years in power, and particularly during his last four, Mr. Maliki established a parallel chain of military command that answered directly to his inner circle. He exploited vagaries in the constitution to bypass checks on his control over judges, state-run media, infrastructure improvements, oil concessions and the central bank.
Much of Mr. Maliki's political machine seemed to collapse around him during his final weeks in power as he publicly lashed out at his enemies in a doomed effort to keep his post.
A senior cleric sent a letter telling him to stand down, his allies in neighboring Iran's leadership backed Mr. Abadi, and if he approached military and militia leaders to seek their help, they appeared not to back him.
Mr. Maliki "has the personality of a partisan man who imposes his orders on others and they must obey. And he has an obsession that everyone plots against him," said Mr. Adeeb. "This nature is what led to autocracy."
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Outgoing Prime Minister Does Not Participate in Negotiations for New Government
BAGHDAD—Iraq's outgoing prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, appears to have dropped his quixotic struggle to remain in power over the past week and is resigned instead to remaining a member of parliament insulated from prosecution.
Fears that Mr. Maliki might play the spoiler in the new government have largely receded since his initial reaction to the appointment of Haider al-Abadi to replace him. The night before Mr. Abadi's appointment, Mr. Maliki called out his security forces in Baghdad in what looked like preparations for a coup.
Now Mr. Maliki meets with Mr. Abadi daily and advises him about the formation of a new cabinet, said Hussein Al-Marabi, a parliamentarian from the Shiite Islamist Fadhila Party. However other leaders of Shiite parties said Mr. Maliki doesn't take part in the negotiations on forming a new government even though he continues to lead the powerful Shiite-dominated State of Law coalition.
"He feels bitterness about losing and it's not easy for him to accept it," said Ali Al Adeeb, a senior member of Mr. Maliki's Dawa Party. "He would prefer to stay as a member of parliament and he won't accept any other position in the new government."
Neither Mr. Maliki nor his spokesman could be reached for comment.
But those who have known Mr. Maliki from childhood recognize his trademark stubbornness in the current scenario.
As a child in a dusty, riverside hamlet of Janajeh, the young Mr. Maliki would simply stop playing ball if a new player whom he didn't like entered his game, said Shaker Jaber Abdul Hussain, 64, who grew up with the prime minister. Or the boy who villagers called the "decision maker" would storm off on his own and start a new game by himself, he recalled.
Still his current posture offers a measure of stability for a political transition at a time of crisis after Sunni insurgents took over a fourth of the country in just a few months.
Mr. Maliki will remain in the executive post until Sept. 9, the day before the deadline for Mr. Ababi to submit a new cabinet of ministers to parliament for approval.
The outgoing prime minister's behavior speaks volumes about how Iraq has been managed over the past eight years and the state of the nation he leaves behind, said Kirk Sowell, publisher of the Inside Iraqi Politics newsletter.
Any effort by Mr. Abadi to form the kind of inclusive government that could have a hope of reforming the country will need to dismantle the patronage and sectarian favoritism that Mr. Maliki built to concentrate power on his office.
During his eight years in power, and particularly during his last four, Mr. Maliki established a parallel chain of military command that answered directly to his inner circle. He exploited vagaries in the constitution to bypass checks on his control over judges, state-run media, infrastructure improvements, oil concessions and the central bank.
Much of Mr. Maliki's political machine seemed to collapse around him during his final weeks in power as he publicly lashed out at his enemies in a doomed effort to keep his post.
A senior cleric sent a letter telling him to stand down, his allies in neighboring Iran's leadership backed Mr. Abadi, and if he approached military and militia leaders to seek their help, they appeared not to back him.
Mr. Maliki "has the personality of a partisan man who imposes his orders on others and they must obey. And he has an obsession that everyone plots against him," said Mr. Adeeb. "This nature is what led to autocracy."
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