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[size=52]Tehran is giving Erbil a choice between accommodating its allies in Baghdad or continuing the pressure[/size]
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[size=45]While the Iraqi political strife continues, as the Kurdish political forces constitute a major nerve in the current situation, two pressing political tracks govern the choices of the Kurdish political forces, especially the two main parties. One, led by Iran and the forces close to it, demands the "Kurdistan Democratic Party" to abandon the "triple alliance", and another led by the "Democratic" itself, insisting on continuing to form a political majority government that is "non-consensual".[/size]
[size=45]After the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court confirmed the illegality of the “democratic” leader Hoshyar Zebari’s candidacy for the presidency, the commander of the “Quds Force” in the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, Ismail Qani, visited Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan region of Iraq, twice within less than a week, and soon the issuance Subsequently, the Supreme Constitutional Court ruled that the oil and gas law was illegal, which the Kurdistan Regional Parliament had approved more than fifteen years ago, and the Iraqi central government filed a lawsuit against it ten years ago.[/size]
[size=45]However, the “most dangerous” signals of pressure came through the announcement of the international coalition led by the United States in Iraq that it monitored a number of drones coming from the eastern border, pointing to the downing of one of them that was heading towards Erbil.[/size]
[size=45]A Kurdish political source said in an interview with An-Nahar Al-Arabi that these signals work in harmony with each other, under the guidance of the Iranian will for the Iraqi file, pointing out that parties close to the Iranian axis have started to understand in an understandable way that the choice to stop all kinds of pressures is either to agree with the forces of The “coordinating framework”, which is close to Iran, and subsequently left the tripartite alliance with the “Sadr movement” and the “alliance of sovereignty”, or the continuation of these various pressures until reaching the moment of clash.[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, the “Kurdistan Democratic Party” and other Kurdish political forces allied with it are still, to a large extent, insisting on continuing the agreements they reached with the other two sides of the “trio.” The party's nomination of the region's interior minister, Riber Ahmed, was indicative of this, as it was followed by a phone call between the leader of the "Democratic" Massoud Barzani and the leader of the "Sadr movement" Muqtada al-Sadr, in which the two parties agreed to hold a leadership meeting of the coalition forces. Al-Sadr announced in more than one position his defense of his allies, focusing specifically on the Kurdish side of them, and threatening their "targeters" from the other Iraqi parties.[/size]
[size=45]Latent fears
However, a number of Kurdish observers expressed during the past two days their fears that the boycott phase between al-Sadr and the former prime minister and leader of the “state of law coalition” Nuri al-Maliki could end, especially after many sources circulated news of the existence of internal mediation between the two parties, led by tribal and social leaders. Those with weight and influence on the leaders of the two political blocs. This may upset the Kurdish negotiating energy, and could cause a repetition of the experience of the Sadrist movement's retreat from its support for the "democratic" candidate, as happened with Zebari.[/size]
[size=45]Writer and researcher Kamran Hefry explained in an interview with An-Nahar Al-Arabi how the calculations of the region, or the main political force within it at least, go to read the scene with a broader fan than only inside Iraq, pointing out that Iran “may enter into a phase of political and economic recovery if it manages to Whoever concludes agreements within the nuclear negotiations that it is currently conducting with the international powers, and this will completely increase the ambitions of its aspirations and its strategy within the region, which does not base its Iraqi options on any regional or international power, as the latter, and in particular the United States, is currently taking a regressive position on all files The Middle East, especially with the Ukrainian crisis reaching the brink of war.”[/size]
[size=45]Hefry added that “the position of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the second largest political force within the region, and relatively close to Iran in the Iraqi file, demonstrated Iran’s ability to play even within the Kurdistan region. The Union has not yet shown a tendency to deviate to any consensual Kurdish solutions, and has continued to insist on retaining the presidency of the republic within the party’s “share” in the central authority, with no inclination to accept giving up any other positions and positions within the region, including the Kurdish positions in Kirkuk governorate. Which is outside the control of the Kurdistan Regional Authority, despite the fact that the “Kurdistan Democratic Party” won a reasonable percentage of the Kurdish votes in that province during the last parliamentary elections.[/size]
[size=45]Hefri recalls that the PUK indicated during its joint meetings with the "Kurdish Democrat" that the presidency of the republic, which it holds in the central authority, "is in exchange for its rival's retention of the presidency of the region, which the "Kurdistan Democratic Party" has maintained throughout the years in which the Union held the position of presidency. Republic.[/size]
[size=45][You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]
[size=52]Tehran is giving Erbil a choice between accommodating its allies in Baghdad or continuing the pressure[/size]
[size=48][You must be registered and logged in to see this image.][/size]
[size=45]While the Iraqi political strife continues, as the Kurdish political forces constitute a major nerve in the current situation, two pressing political tracks govern the choices of the Kurdish political forces, especially the two main parties. One, led by Iran and the forces close to it, demands the "Kurdistan Democratic Party" to abandon the "triple alliance", and another led by the "Democratic" itself, insisting on continuing to form a political majority government that is "non-consensual".[/size]
[size=45]After the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court confirmed the illegality of the “democratic” leader Hoshyar Zebari’s candidacy for the presidency, the commander of the “Quds Force” in the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, Ismail Qani, visited Erbil, the capital of the Kurdistan region of Iraq, twice within less than a week, and soon the issuance Subsequently, the Supreme Constitutional Court ruled that the oil and gas law was illegal, which the Kurdistan Regional Parliament had approved more than fifteen years ago, and the Iraqi central government filed a lawsuit against it ten years ago.[/size]
[size=45]However, the “most dangerous” signals of pressure came through the announcement of the international coalition led by the United States in Iraq that it monitored a number of drones coming from the eastern border, pointing to the downing of one of them that was heading towards Erbil.[/size]
[size=45]A Kurdish political source said in an interview with An-Nahar Al-Arabi that these signals work in harmony with each other, under the guidance of the Iranian will for the Iraqi file, pointing out that parties close to the Iranian axis have started to understand in an understandable way that the choice to stop all kinds of pressures is either to agree with the forces of The “coordinating framework”, which is close to Iran, and subsequently left the tripartite alliance with the “Sadr movement” and the “alliance of sovereignty”, or the continuation of these various pressures until reaching the moment of clash.[/size]
[size=45]On the other hand, the “Kurdistan Democratic Party” and other Kurdish political forces allied with it are still, to a large extent, insisting on continuing the agreements they reached with the other two sides of the “trio.” The party's nomination of the region's interior minister, Riber Ahmed, was indicative of this, as it was followed by a phone call between the leader of the "Democratic" Massoud Barzani and the leader of the "Sadr movement" Muqtada al-Sadr, in which the two parties agreed to hold a leadership meeting of the coalition forces. Al-Sadr announced in more than one position his defense of his allies, focusing specifically on the Kurdish side of them, and threatening their "targeters" from the other Iraqi parties.[/size]
[size=45]Latent fears
However, a number of Kurdish observers expressed during the past two days their fears that the boycott phase between al-Sadr and the former prime minister and leader of the “state of law coalition” Nuri al-Maliki could end, especially after many sources circulated news of the existence of internal mediation between the two parties, led by tribal and social leaders. Those with weight and influence on the leaders of the two political blocs. This may upset the Kurdish negotiating energy, and could cause a repetition of the experience of the Sadrist movement's retreat from its support for the "democratic" candidate, as happened with Zebari.[/size]
[size=45]Writer and researcher Kamran Hefry explained in an interview with An-Nahar Al-Arabi how the calculations of the region, or the main political force within it at least, go to read the scene with a broader fan than only inside Iraq, pointing out that Iran “may enter into a phase of political and economic recovery if it manages to Whoever concludes agreements within the nuclear negotiations that it is currently conducting with the international powers, and this will completely increase the ambitions of its aspirations and its strategy within the region, which does not base its Iraqi options on any regional or international power, as the latter, and in particular the United States, is currently taking a regressive position on all files The Middle East, especially with the Ukrainian crisis reaching the brink of war.”[/size]
[size=45]Hefry added that “the position of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the second largest political force within the region, and relatively close to Iran in the Iraqi file, demonstrated Iran’s ability to play even within the Kurdistan region. The Union has not yet shown a tendency to deviate to any consensual Kurdish solutions, and has continued to insist on retaining the presidency of the republic within the party’s “share” in the central authority, with no inclination to accept giving up any other positions and positions within the region, including the Kurdish positions in Kirkuk governorate. Which is outside the control of the Kurdistan Regional Authority, despite the fact that the “Kurdistan Democratic Party” won a reasonable percentage of the Kurdish votes in that province during the last parliamentary elections.[/size]
[size=45]Hefri recalls that the PUK indicated during its joint meetings with the "Kurdish Democrat" that the presidency of the republic, which it holds in the central authority, "is in exchange for its rival's retention of the presidency of the region, which the "Kurdistan Democratic Party" has maintained throughout the years in which the Union held the position of presidency. Republic.[/size]
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