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03/02/2014
The 2003 Iraq war changed the political equation in Iraq when the Kurds won a de facto autonomy in the Kurdistan Region (KR) and Shiites replaced Sunni Arabs at the helm of power in Baghdad. The war created space for a proxy war between Iran and Turkey, who tried to fill the political vacuum under the US watch. Iran inched closer to Iraq's Shiite majority in order READ MORE >>>
The Kurdistan autonomous region, administered by the Kurdistan Regional Government, which was born within the safe haven zone under the US watch following the 1991 Gulf War, had matured into a quasi state by 2014, with all the bells and whistles of a state, lacking only international recognition. The reasons for its success lay in the ability of the Kurds to provide peace and security within their region, attracting investors and prospectors from around the world, while Arab Iraq continued suffering from violence and mismanagement since the 2003 Iraq war. Kurdistan has offered a safe haven to thousands of Arab families escaping widespread sectarian clashes between Sunni Arab insurgents and the Shiite-dominated government. The Kurds have demonstrated beyond the shadow of a doubt that they are worthy of the international community's recognition. They need support and protection from the central government's aggressive actions that have escalated from withholding Kurdistan's employees salaries, to bombing Kurdish security forces, to suspending some foreign and domestic flights to Erbil. It appears that al-Maliki wants to take Kurdistan back under his wings, which the Kurds reject after having enjoyed relative freedom for over 20 years of self-administration [1].
Despite repeatedly declaring that it has no desire or plan to split from Iraq, the KRG has come under constant threats and intimidation from Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in order to undermine their authority, spelled out in the Iraqi constitution. The Arab-dominated government's foot-dragging to regularize the status of Kurdish Peshmerga, settle arguments over the disputed Kurdish territories, compromises over the management and control of region's oil and gas resources, and share of the national budget, is indicative that it does not recognize the authority of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Although the constitution offers broad guidelines for addressing these issues, the central government continues to balk, giving the impression that it recognizes neither the constitution nor the legal status of the KRG as a political entity.
Despite his failure to stabilize Arab Iraq since 2006, al-Maliki has held back the salaries of KRG employees and retirees' pensions since early 2014 and refuses to release them until the KRG surrenders its rights to Kurdistan's oil and gas resources. Although he has withheld Kurdistan's employees salaries since January, al-Maliki announced on
February 28 that he will be willing to release February salaries on condition that the latter starts pumping oil and deposits its revenue in the central government bank and stressed the need for resolving the issue. [2] Obviously, this is not the end of the dispute over Kurdistan's oil resources, territorial claims, budget sharing and the status of Peshmerga. Pundits opine that al-Maliki might be trying to divert attention from his security and administration failure to the issue of Kurdistan in order to improve his chances for a third term during April 30, 2014 elections.
Because of the support he is getting from the US, Iran and his community, including the Shiite clerical establishment in Najaf, who have maintained silence; observers doubt that al-Maliki would relax his stand against Kurdish demands. Al-Maliki's political fortune has improved compared to that of his adversary, Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Recep Erdogan, KRG's major oil partner. The rapidly evolving regional political map has squeezed the KRG between a rock and a hard place, leaving the Kurds with few options and difficult decisions to make.
Turkey has taken much risk to offer Iraqi Kurds an outlet to the outside world, help develop their economy, and most of all, serve as a deterrent to discourage the Iraqi government from attacking them. It is difficult to predict if Erdogan's weakened government can survive the next mid-year elections in the face of the ongoing corruption scandal in the country.
This narrows down Iraqi Kurds' option to seek American protection. Unless the Kurds start using all their tools, it would be difficult for them to stop or slow down the pace of the ongoing rapprochement between Washington and al-Maliki, whom the US shunned until they withdrew their troops from Iraq at the end of December 2011.
After risking American treasure and blood to fight oppression and promote democracy in Iraq, the US is now trying to create a new dictator in Iraq by arming al-Maliki's troops to suppress the Kurds and Sunni Arabs. Is the US doing this for economic gains or for promoting democracy and human rights? No treasure in the world would replace the sacrifices made by more than 4,500 US soldiers who lost their lives during the 2003 Iraq war.
Despite Kurdish and Sunni Arab protests that al-Maliki might use his new US arms against them, Washington expedited sending al-Maliki more arms to suppress those who do not agree with his autocratic practices. Instead of canceling his US visit,[You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] perhaps President Barzani should have traveled to Washington to tell President Obama and members of the US Congress his version of the story about al-Maliki's recklessness and threats he poses against the Kurds, which might get out of control without outside intervention.
According to an unconfirmed report by Peyamner News Agency, in violation of the UN embargo, al-Maliki had signed contracts with Tehran in November 2013, for the purchase of a variety of military hardware. When reporters asked the White House spokesperson, Jay Carney, about the deal, he responded merely by saying that the US has expressed its deep concern to Iraqi officials at the highest level and have told them that the transfer of arms from Iran to Iraq is a violation to UN Security Council decision [4].
In the face of the news about Iranian arm sales to Iraq, the US lawmaker and member of the Congressional Arms Committee, John McCain, called on the US Congress to reconsider the agreement for selling 24 Apache helicopter gunship to Iraq [5]. However, Iraq issued a statement on February 26 stating that Iran was among a number of other bidders, but failed to qualify for the deal and that some quarters are exploiting the situation for political reasons [6].
The US, Iran and Turkey have shamelessly exploited the weak position of the KRG when it suits in reshaping Iraq's future. They have left them to their own devices on an unleveled field to deal with al-Maliki to settle their disputes with him. Following the 2009 Iraqi elections, while the US and Turkey pressed the Kurds to support a Sunni Arab candidate to lead the government, Iran pressed them to a Shiite candidate.
While appreciating Ankara's role in developing their region and providing them an easy access to Europe, Kurdish officials are possibly pondering if Turkey would come to their help while al-Maliki is tightening the nook around their noose by withholding the salaries of KRG employees and retirees. Although Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan assured the KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani of his commitment to the oil agreement they signed in December 2013, he left KRG officials to their own devices to deal with al-Maliki concerning disputes over their joint oil and gas adventures.
Since the Kurdistan autonomous region was born and nurtured under the US watch, the Kurds consider the US as a foster parent with moral and ethical responsibility to protect them from harm. Michael Rubin wrote, "Successive administrations in Washington have long taken the Iraqi Kurds for granted, which is a shame because the Kurds have, since the tail end of the Cold War at least, been relatively pro-American, at least compared to others in the region." [7] The Kurds are crossing their fingers that the US would not betray them as it did in 1975 and in early 1991, when it left them alone at Saddam Hussein's mercy after achieving their military and political goals. When the US Congress lamented the betrayal in 1975, then US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger simply stated that he is not in the business of missionaries and found the Kurds readily available to be used in American interests [8].
After sacrificing many of their Peshmerga fighters while helping American troops to defeat Saddam Hussein forces during the 2003 Iraq war, the Kurds are shocked to see that the US Middle East policy remains frozen in time. Since the US is reluctant to reach out to Iraqi Kurds overtly, it has moral obligation and diplomatic means to help in referring their predicament to the attention of the United Nations Security Council in order to enable them to preserve the economic, security and social gains they have made since 1991.
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03/02/2014
The 2003 Iraq war changed the political equation in Iraq when the Kurds won a de facto autonomy in the Kurdistan Region (KR) and Shiites replaced Sunni Arabs at the helm of power in Baghdad. The war created space for a proxy war between Iran and Turkey, who tried to fill the political vacuum under the US watch. Iran inched closer to Iraq's Shiite majority in order READ MORE >>>
The Kurdistan autonomous region, administered by the Kurdistan Regional Government, which was born within the safe haven zone under the US watch following the 1991 Gulf War, had matured into a quasi state by 2014, with all the bells and whistles of a state, lacking only international recognition. The reasons for its success lay in the ability of the Kurds to provide peace and security within their region, attracting investors and prospectors from around the world, while Arab Iraq continued suffering from violence and mismanagement since the 2003 Iraq war. Kurdistan has offered a safe haven to thousands of Arab families escaping widespread sectarian clashes between Sunni Arab insurgents and the Shiite-dominated government. The Kurds have demonstrated beyond the shadow of a doubt that they are worthy of the international community's recognition. They need support and protection from the central government's aggressive actions that have escalated from withholding Kurdistan's employees salaries, to bombing Kurdish security forces, to suspending some foreign and domestic flights to Erbil. It appears that al-Maliki wants to take Kurdistan back under his wings, which the Kurds reject after having enjoyed relative freedom for over 20 years of self-administration [1].
Despite repeatedly declaring that it has no desire or plan to split from Iraq, the KRG has come under constant threats and intimidation from Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in order to undermine their authority, spelled out in the Iraqi constitution. The Arab-dominated government's foot-dragging to regularize the status of Kurdish Peshmerga, settle arguments over the disputed Kurdish territories, compromises over the management and control of region's oil and gas resources, and share of the national budget, is indicative that it does not recognize the authority of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Although the constitution offers broad guidelines for addressing these issues, the central government continues to balk, giving the impression that it recognizes neither the constitution nor the legal status of the KRG as a political entity.
Despite his failure to stabilize Arab Iraq since 2006, al-Maliki has held back the salaries of KRG employees and retirees' pensions since early 2014 and refuses to release them until the KRG surrenders its rights to Kurdistan's oil and gas resources. Although he has withheld Kurdistan's employees salaries since January, al-Maliki announced on
February 28 that he will be willing to release February salaries on condition that the latter starts pumping oil and deposits its revenue in the central government bank and stressed the need for resolving the issue. [2] Obviously, this is not the end of the dispute over Kurdistan's oil resources, territorial claims, budget sharing and the status of Peshmerga. Pundits opine that al-Maliki might be trying to divert attention from his security and administration failure to the issue of Kurdistan in order to improve his chances for a third term during April 30, 2014 elections.
Because of the support he is getting from the US, Iran and his community, including the Shiite clerical establishment in Najaf, who have maintained silence; observers doubt that al-Maliki would relax his stand against Kurdish demands. Al-Maliki's political fortune has improved compared to that of his adversary, Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Recep Erdogan, KRG's major oil partner. The rapidly evolving regional political map has squeezed the KRG between a rock and a hard place, leaving the Kurds with few options and difficult decisions to make.
Turkey has taken much risk to offer Iraqi Kurds an outlet to the outside world, help develop their economy, and most of all, serve as a deterrent to discourage the Iraqi government from attacking them. It is difficult to predict if Erdogan's weakened government can survive the next mid-year elections in the face of the ongoing corruption scandal in the country.
This narrows down Iraqi Kurds' option to seek American protection. Unless the Kurds start using all their tools, it would be difficult for them to stop or slow down the pace of the ongoing rapprochement between Washington and al-Maliki, whom the US shunned until they withdrew their troops from Iraq at the end of December 2011.
After risking American treasure and blood to fight oppression and promote democracy in Iraq, the US is now trying to create a new dictator in Iraq by arming al-Maliki's troops to suppress the Kurds and Sunni Arabs. Is the US doing this for economic gains or for promoting democracy and human rights? No treasure in the world would replace the sacrifices made by more than 4,500 US soldiers who lost their lives during the 2003 Iraq war.
Despite Kurdish and Sunni Arab protests that al-Maliki might use his new US arms against them, Washington expedited sending al-Maliki more arms to suppress those who do not agree with his autocratic practices. Instead of canceling his US visit,[You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] perhaps President Barzani should have traveled to Washington to tell President Obama and members of the US Congress his version of the story about al-Maliki's recklessness and threats he poses against the Kurds, which might get out of control without outside intervention.
According to an unconfirmed report by Peyamner News Agency, in violation of the UN embargo, al-Maliki had signed contracts with Tehran in November 2013, for the purchase of a variety of military hardware. When reporters asked the White House spokesperson, Jay Carney, about the deal, he responded merely by saying that the US has expressed its deep concern to Iraqi officials at the highest level and have told them that the transfer of arms from Iran to Iraq is a violation to UN Security Council decision [4].
In the face of the news about Iranian arm sales to Iraq, the US lawmaker and member of the Congressional Arms Committee, John McCain, called on the US Congress to reconsider the agreement for selling 24 Apache helicopter gunship to Iraq [5]. However, Iraq issued a statement on February 26 stating that Iran was among a number of other bidders, but failed to qualify for the deal and that some quarters are exploiting the situation for political reasons [6].
The US, Iran and Turkey have shamelessly exploited the weak position of the KRG when it suits in reshaping Iraq's future. They have left them to their own devices on an unleveled field to deal with al-Maliki to settle their disputes with him. Following the 2009 Iraqi elections, while the US and Turkey pressed the Kurds to support a Sunni Arab candidate to lead the government, Iran pressed them to a Shiite candidate.
While appreciating Ankara's role in developing their region and providing them an easy access to Europe, Kurdish officials are possibly pondering if Turkey would come to their help while al-Maliki is tightening the nook around their noose by withholding the salaries of KRG employees and retirees. Although Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan assured the KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani of his commitment to the oil agreement they signed in December 2013, he left KRG officials to their own devices to deal with al-Maliki concerning disputes over their joint oil and gas adventures.
Since the Kurdistan autonomous region was born and nurtured under the US watch, the Kurds consider the US as a foster parent with moral and ethical responsibility to protect them from harm. Michael Rubin wrote, "Successive administrations in Washington have long taken the Iraqi Kurds for granted, which is a shame because the Kurds have, since the tail end of the Cold War at least, been relatively pro-American, at least compared to others in the region." [7] The Kurds are crossing their fingers that the US would not betray them as it did in 1975 and in early 1991, when it left them alone at Saddam Hussein's mercy after achieving their military and political goals. When the US Congress lamented the betrayal in 1975, then US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger simply stated that he is not in the business of missionaries and found the Kurds readily available to be used in American interests [8].
After sacrificing many of their Peshmerga fighters while helping American troops to defeat Saddam Hussein forces during the 2003 Iraq war, the Kurds are shocked to see that the US Middle East policy remains frozen in time. Since the US is reluctant to reach out to Iraqi Kurds overtly, it has moral obligation and diplomatic means to help in referring their predicament to the attention of the United Nations Security Council in order to enable them to preserve the economic, security and social gains they have made since 1991.
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